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WEBSTER,  NY.  14S80 

(716)  872-4503 

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Collection  de 

Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notat  techniques  et  bibliographiques 

The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 

L'Institut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  4tA  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-Atre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  o'ji  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  mAthode  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiquAs  ci-dessous. 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 


Covers  damaged/ 
Couverture  endommagie 


Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagAes 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaurie  et/ou  pelliculAo 


Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restaurAes  et/ou  pellicul^es 

□    Cover  title  missing/ 
Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  d6color6es,  tachetAes  ou  piquAes 


Coloured  maps/ 

Cartes  g6ographiques  en  couleur 


Pages  detached/ 
Pages  d^tachies 


Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 




Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 


Quality  of  print  varies/ 
Quality  in^gale  de  rimpression 


Bound  with  other  material/ 
Reli^  avec  d'autres  documents 


Includes  supplementary  material/ 
Comprend  du  materiel  suppl^mentaire 



Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  reliure  serr^e  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  int^rieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  pent  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajout6es 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte. 
mais,  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6t6  film^es. 


Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 

Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc..  ont  iti  filmies  d  nouveau  de  fapon  A 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


Additional  comments:/ 
Commontaires  supplimentaires; 


'P     HS     f O  '  1  i">VS 

138-159,    1(4-178. 

i-iv\    1-157,    1.2-U.3, 

This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film6  au  taux  de  reduction  indiqud  ci-dessous. 














Tha  copy  filmed  h«r«  has  baan  raproducad  thank* 
to  tha  ganarosity  of: 

National  Library  of  Canada 

L'axamplalr'«  fllmA  fut  raproduit  grica  i  la 
g4n4roalt*  da: 

BibliothAque  nationala  du  Canada 

Tha  imagas  appearing  hara  ara  tha  batt  quality 
poaaibia  considaring  tha  condition  and  legibility 
of  tha  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contrect  apecificetiont. 

Original  cople*  in  printed  peper  covera  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  laat  page  with  a  printed  or  llluatratad  imprea- 
aion,  or  the  beck  cover  when  eppropriete.  All 
other  originel  copies  ara  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  pege  with  e  printed  or  llluatratad  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  thu  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustreted  impression. 

The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
ahall  contein  the  symbol  -^  < meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  appllea. 

Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratioa.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  ara  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  end  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  Illustrate  the 

Lea  imeges  suivantas  ont  At*  raproduites  avac  la 
plus  grand  soin,  compta  tenu  de  la  condition  at 
da  la  nattet*  de  rexemplaira  filmi.  et  en 
conformity  avac  las  conditions  du  contrat  de 

Lea  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couvarture  an 
papier  est  imprimie  sont  filmAs  en  commen9ant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  solt  par  la 
darnlire  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impreasion  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  la  second 
plat,  aelon  le  cas.  Tous  las  autras  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  filmis  en  commandant  par  la 
premiere  pege  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impreasion  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  darnlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 

Un  dee  symbolas  sulvents  apparaitra  sur  la 
darnl4re  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
CBs:  le  symbols  -^  signifie  "A  SUIVRE"   '* 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 


Les  cartas,  planches,  tableaux,  etc,  peuvant  Atre 
filmia  A  das  taux  de  reduction  diffArents. 
Lorsque  )e  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clichA,  il  est  film6  A  partir 
de  I'angia  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite. 
at  de  haut  en  bas,  an  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nAcessaira.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrant  la  mAthode. 


















These  States, 





London,  Ontario: 
.».    H.    Vivian,    :U)8   fLAREsct    Stkket. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  the  Parliament  of  Canada  in  the  year 
one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  seventy-eight,  by  G.  Manigault, 
in  the  oflice  of  the  Minister  of  Agriculture. 




the  year 



The  author  of  this  little  book  lately  made  several 
efforts  to  get  it  publisher!  in  the  Unite<l  States.  But 
even  those  publisher,  whose  political  and  social  convic- 
tions carry  them  a  long  way  with  him  in  the  views 
herein  expressed,  shrank  from  becoming  god-fathers  to 
his  bantling.  To  do  so  would  jeoj)ar*lize  their  business 
interests,  which  are  dependent  on  popular  favour. 
For  a  people  may  fall  into  such  a  condition,  that 
the  j.Tossest  offence  you  can  give  them,  is  to  tell 
them  the  truth  of  themselves. 

This  obstacle  has  induced  the  author  to  brinir  out  his 
book  in  Canada,  in  a  fonn  somewhat  abridged — thus 
retaining  some  control  over  the  copyright  elsewhere. 










The  Reasons  f(n'  entering  on  this  Inquiry/. 

Thk  overweening  tone  in  which  tlie  people  of  tlie 
United  States  liave  long  V)een  boasting  of  Uieir  country, 
their  govenniient,  and  themselves,  coupled  with  the 
and  jK'Culiar,  hut  accidental  advantages,  long  enjoyed  by 
the  inhabitants  of  these  states,  has  gained  for  them  a 
reputation  fur  ^visdom  in  the  organization  of  their  politi- 
cal institutions,  an<l  in  the  conduct  of  their  aHaii>»,  to 
which  they  have  little  claim. 

There  is  indeed  much  in  the  history  and  progress  of 
tliis  nu»nster  republic  to  excite?  the  wonder  of  the  worM. 
Not  even  ImixM-ial,  and  later.  Papal  Romo  ever  exercised, 
by  the  mere  ft>rce  of  opinion  disseminated  from  it  as 
a  centre,  a  wider  an<l  vaster  influence  over  the  nations  of 
the  oaith,  than  the  United   Stati's  have  dont'  for  many 


'iHi:  rNirr.n  nt.vtks 

years  past.  Not  only  have  tlie  old  ami  liij^lily  civilizcil 
monarchies  of  V^unpc  been  convulsed,  and  some  of  them 
revolutionized,  throu«,dj  the  spreading  of  political 
doctrines  and  social  theories,  which,  if  thev  did  not  iirii^in- 
ate,  genninat«-*d  and  now  Hourish  in  this  paradise  of 
democmcy,  where  their  fruits  are  fast  niaturin;^^  if  not 
yet  i|uit<!  ri|K' ;  hut  thest;  convictions  and  doj^nias  in 
social  seionce,  emanatini^  from  the  United  States,  now 
bear  sway  over  the  half  barbarous  n-publics  of  Mexico 
and  South  Americ'a,  over  the  j^rowinj,'  democracies  of 
Au.stralia  and  South  Africa,  and  their  influence  seems  to 
be  felt  in  the  remote,  and,  until  lately,  secluded  empires 
of  (Jliina  and  Japan. 

'I'lje  popular  voier  throui^hout  tlu'  world  has  attributed 
the  proi^,  prosperity,  and  power  of  the  Unite<l  States 
to  the  wisdom  and  justice  of  the  political  institutions 
4«'nerated  there.  These  thev  ]»elieve  ha\e  secured  the 
happy  condition  of  the  people  ;  tliese  have  fostercil  that 
wonderful  skill  and  encr^iy  whicb  is  speedily  developinL;; 
the  latent  n-.sources  of  half  a  contini  nt.  This  conviction 
has  led  the  jjopulace,  wherever  they  have  been  awaken- 
ed to  the  con.sideration  of  their  political  and  social  condi- 
tion, to  hail  the  United  States  as  the  pattern  held  up  before 
the  eyes  of  all  mankin<l,  to  guide  them  in  remodelling  the 
institutions  of  their  country,  and  in  establishing  the  prin- 
ciples whicli  here  on  earth  are  to  regenerat(i  humanity. 

But  a  vigilant  ami  impartial  observer,  looking  at  the 
United  States  from  difterent  stand  points  within  and 
without,  and  studying  their  history  tlirough  the  different 
periods  of  their  career,  can  detect  the  grossly  exaggerated 
misconceptions  prevailing  in  Europe  and  elsewhere,  as  to 



die  |»nis|M'nty  of  tin-  ('nit<(l  StuU's,  and  as  to  tlic  sources 
of  it ;  and  also  as  to  tlu;  nsults  of  the  di'iiiocratic  ft)rin  of 
^'ovfrninrnt  ado]»t«'d  tlun-.  Ami  when  lie  has  (U'toctcd 
not  oidy  tli»'S«'  ^'ri)ss  rnisc'onct'])ti<)ns,  but  the  vast  and 
wide  spn'ad  nusehief  ahvady  <lone  hy  reeeivin;;  tlirni  as 
tnitliK.  1h'  is  hound  in  jonnnon  lionesty  to  point  tliein 

Without  attt  iii|»ting  an  exaet  ananj,a'nient  of  our 
matter  under  tlic  foll()win<j;  liea<ls,  we  will  endeavour 
suhstantially  to  prove: 

1.  That  wliatever  wis(h)Ui  and  principirs  of  justice 
may  luive  proniote<l  tlie  prosperity  of  tlie  stati's  now 
known  as  the  Tnited  States,  tliey  did  not  originate  there, 
but  were  brought  in  from  abroad,  and  have  there  deterior- 
ated rather  than  improved. 

2.  That  un<ler  the  gui(hinee  of  tlii.s  imported  wis«lom 
and  justier.  a  and  rare  eombinati<>n  of  natuial 
advant^ig«'s  built  up  the  })rosj)enty  of  these  states. 

',\.  Tliat  tlu^  natural  an<l  material  advanttiges  they  en- 
joyed were  n«jt  more  freely  and  eagerly  used,  tlian  waste- 
fully  abused  and  exluiuste(l. 

4  That,  far  from  having  made  moral  j)rogress  witli  their 
growth,  the  forty  millions  of  ])eopIe  in  the  United  States 
are  m<>st  strongly  characterized  by  their  unblushing  polit- 
ical, social  and  financial  corruj)tion. 


C'llAPTKIi  II. 

Tin'  CiiVKVH  of  t}n'  roft'nf  Pi'Of/i'CHs  tnnl  Pt'oHftrrif// nf  fhr 
thirteen  Knyttsh  ColmtirH  ii'lnch  Ihthuh'  Sfatrs. 

Aint'i'ica  was  lon«jf  and  is  still,  at  tiiiu's,  calk'tl  i\w  NfW 
World,  a  name  convct  only  in  this  sense:  it  was  newlv 
known  to  tln'  people  of  Europe,  and  tliut  l»i«;lier  eivilizii- 
tion,  lonj;-  existin<jf  in  Kuroix',  was  new  to  this  westein 
continent.  Hut  the  races  now  dominant  in  America  are 
not  new  either  to  lustory  or  civilization.  Tliey  are  the 
otispring  of  detachments  froi.i  the  peoples  of  En«^land, 
Spain,  Portu<,^al  and  France,  sent,  or  ratlier  coming  out 
as  colonists,  and  long  governed  and  protected  by  the 
countries  fiom  which  they  came. 

(Confining  our  remarks  to  the  colonists  fiom  En<dand 
we  will  point  out  tlie  pecidiar  advantages  which,  beyond 
those  of  the  colonists  of  any  other  nation,  they  brought 
out  with  them  from  home,  and  met  with  in  America.  Let 
the  reader  consider  how  rare  and  happy,  yet  ui\foreseen, 
was  that  concurrence  of  circumstances  which  combined 
to  secure  the  success  of  these  English  settlenu-Jits  on  the 
North  American  coast. 

].  The  mother  country  was  a  poAverful  nati<m,  and 
especially  strong  at  sea.  This  enabled  it  to  protect  its 
remotest  colony  against  every  other  maritime  power- 
That  country  moreover  was  blessed  with  a  wiser  code  of 
laws  and  freer  institutions  than  any  other  nation.  In 
civilization   a!ts,  science,  and  litoraturc  it  liad  no  superior, 





he  Nt'W 
^  lU'wly 
civil  iza- 
srica  arc 

are  the 
ling  out 

hy    the 






11  billed 

on  tlie 

n,   and 

:ect  its 
L^ode  of 
|)n.     In 



if  any  e(|ual.  And,  above  all,  Christianity  liad  th«  re 
shaken  oH*  the  tranniiellin;;  eorniptions  of  the  Chureli  of 

"1.  Tlie  eolonists  not  only  broij^dit  out  with  them  tin; 
laws  ami  institutions  vvhieh  they  had  inherited  with  tlit- 
lest  of  their  eountrymen,  but  they  wen-  a  seleetion  of  tin- 
more  eiiterprisinij^  individuals  from  aiiion<^  tlu'  most  eti- 
t('rj)risin«ij  of  nations  and  races  ;  a  peoph;  dlstin^uisht  d 
by  tht'ir  industry,  enerj^^y,  inventive  powers,  an<l  in<li- 
vidual  .self-reliance.  This  peculiarly  fitted  them  to  mnkr 
tlit'ir  way  in  the  N«;\v  World. 

.S.  Most  fortunate  was  it  for  these  Enii^li.sli  colonist> 
that  the  S|)aniards,  runnini,'  after  the  'ujiiis  fafutis  of  an 
pjl dorado  in  tropical  America,  had  got  the  start  of  them 
l»y  their  coiKpiests  in  tlu^  West  Indies,  and  in  Mexi(.'o  and 
Peru.  But  for  that,  the  prospect  of  speedy  ^^ain,  in  its 
most  tempting  form,  would  have  <li verted  the, 
in  the  pursuit  of  gold,  from  an  enterprise  which  led  to 
their  peopleing  with  their  offspring  the  better  half  of  tlu' 

4.  The  region  most  accessible  to  English  enterprise  on 
the  coast  of  North  America  lay  between  the  latitudes  31 
and  43,  North.  In  the  greater  part  of  this  region  tliey 
found  a  temperate  climate  and  much  fertile  soil  ;  and  it 
abounded  with  natural  productions  continually  remind- 
ing the  colonists  of  tlieir  old  home.  If,  on  close  inspec- 
tion of  these  specimens  from  the  animal  or  vegetable 
kingdom,  the  Englishman  found  the  .species  ditlerent,  yet 
the  genus  was  apt  to  be  the  same  with  that  so  well 
known  to  him  from  bo3diood.  Nature  in  many,  and  the 
most  obvious  of  her  productions,  here  and  in  England, 


I'liK  iNiii;!)  sr.\ri;s 

often  ran  in  wonderfully  parallel  lines,  rarely  coineidin;^, 
.seldom  far  apart.  If  tlio  colonist  wandered  tln'ouL;li  the 
woods,  lie  found  oaks,  beeches,  elms,  pines,  hollies,  and 
other  sylvan  (h'nizens  8tron<,dy  recalling;'  to  him  England's 
forest  trees.  He  .started  from  tlie  covert  the  Inick  and 
the  doe,  the  smaller  representatives  of  the  genus  of  tlie 
stag  and  the  hind,  and  Avortli}'  compeers  of  the  fallow 
deer  he  had  so  often  seen  in  l^iglish  parks.  On  liis 
approach  the  hare  starte*!  from  her  form,  the  covey  of 
the  parti'idge  or  the  fpiail  flurried  him  l)y  their  sudden 
wliiiling  flight  from  almost  beneath  his  feet;  and  he  de- 
tected tlie  stealthy  fox  springing  (juickly  out  of  sight. 
Standing  on  the  hank  of  the  rivulet  he  watched  the 
})('ieh  and  speckled  trout  gliding  down  the  stream,  the 
heron  wading  in  its  waters,  the  eagle  soai'ing  ovei-  head, 
and  he  heard  the  voice  of  the  dove  cooing  in  the  woods. 
Throughout  the  more  cons})icuous  objects  of  organized 
nature  he  was  seldom  at  a  loss  for  an  Knglish  name  for 
the  new  object  so  like  that  Avhich  he  had  left  behind  him  in 
the  old  country  ;  and  he  instinctively  felt  that  he  had 
foundanew^  home,  in  wliich  liis  race  couhl  live  and  thrive 
and  spread  itself  over  regions  seemingly  without  bounds. 

5.  These  English  colonists  enjoye(l  another  peculiar 
advantage  on  which,  in  order  that  it  may  be  duly  esti- 
mated, we  shall  comment  more  at  length. 

No  numerous  people,  as  in  Mexico,  Peru,  and  many 
other  lands  coveted  by  ambitious  and  entei'prising  nations 
in  Europe,  here  already  pre-occupied  the  soil.  Yet  the 
country  was  not  uniidiabited.  Many  scattered  savage 
triVjes,  engaged  in  endless  wai"  with  each  other,  which 
kept  down  their  nun)V>ers,  roamed  over  rather  than  oecu- 


pied  the  country.  Tliis  rare.  Immv  at  least,  hail  not  ad- 
vanc«'<l  Iteyond  tlu'  lnnitiiii,^  sta,u<*  of  man's  pursuits. 
They  had  taken  no  st»'i>  towaids  hceoiiiin^  a  })astoral 
]K'()])1<'.  havin*;'  doni('sticate<l  no  animal,  not  even  the  doi; ; 
an<l  if  ti)t\v  had  taken  a  stcj)  towards  tiliin;;  the  soil,  it 
Whs  only  hy  tlie  casual  lahourof  tlieir  women,  to  supply 
tobacco  for  their  pijies,  and  mai/e  for  the  ,ij;;reen  corn  fes- 
tival. So  stiaiti'ued  and  unc«'rtain  were  their  means  of 
livin;^  that  tlu'  population  ]>etween  the  Atlantic  and  the 
far  west  did  not  fuiiiish  one  soul  to  the  s(piare  mile. 

It  is  true  that  this  savaije  race  fiercely  resisted  the 
intrusion  of  the  foreigners  ui)on  their  huntinir  <n*ounds. 
J>ut  hv  this  the  colonies  gained  far  more  than  thev  lost. 
This  slender  cord(;n  of  hostile  sava<j^es  tended  to  compact 
each  colony  into  a  well-ori^^anized  ]>ody  p(jlitic.  It  must 
not  he  forgotten  that,  however  necessary  government 
may  l>e  in  eveiy  phase  of  society,  it  is  always  a  hurden 
and  restraint,  toleiated  only  as  a  safe<ruai(l  against  more 
intolera])le  evils.  If,  on  the  first  settlinij:  of  the  countiv, 
the  colonists  had  been  free  to  range  over  the  continent, 
with  no  human  enemy  to  hold  them  in  check,  what  chance 
would  there  have  been  of  preserving  the  civilization  and 
law-abidiuii'  habits  thev  had  biou^ht  with  them  from 
home('  When  all  the  more  enterprising  spirits  had 
l>ecome  hunters  an<l  trappers,  vin/((yeurs  and  rand»lers 
through  the  wilds  of  the  backwoods,  aiid  the  broad  prai- 
ries bevond  them,  what  means  would  have  been  left  for 
maintaining  a  defensible  settlement  on  the  coast,  to  ket.'p 
up  the  intei-est  (^f,  and  tlu^  intercourse  with,  the  U"  ther- 
country:'  and  to  resist  the  attacks  of  Euro})ean  maraud- 
ers who,  a^  it  was,  utteily  de-;tn>ye(l  ^ome  of  the  earlier 
eol(  mil's .' 


This  cordon  of  .sava<^e  enemies  maintained  the  martial 
energies  of  the  earliei-  settU'i-s  by  eallini^  tliem  at  times 
into  activity;  while  it  preserved  their  civil  orjjfanization. 
their  social  relations,  and  their  industry,  hy  drivintr  them 
to  avail  themselves  of  the  agricultural,  pastoral,  and  syl- 
van resources  already  in  their  possession,  or  easily  within 
their  reach;  thus  establishing  the  colony  on  a  soli«l,  prof- 
itable and  permanent  footing,  tending  rapidly  to  enable 
it  to  sustain  itself  against  all  enemies.  The  truth  is 
that,  in  spite  of  the  bloody  and  disastrous  Indian  wars, 
of  which  we  hear  so  much  in  colonial  history,  a.s  so<m  as 
the  growth  and  prosp(jritv  of  any  of  the  colonies  really 
called  for  an  expansion  of  its  borders,  an  energetic  effort 
of  the  colonial  government.  <'ven  without  aid  from  Eng- 
lan<l,  seldom  failed  to  procure  for  it  all  the  i-oom  needed 
for  the  growth  of  the  colon}'  fur  years  to  come. 

The  case  is  quite  different  when  the  attempt  to  est^ib- 
lish  a  colony  is  made  in  a  country  where  another  people 
are  already  in  occu])ation  of  the  soil.  If  inferior  in  war- 
like qualities,  in  arts  and  civilization,  the  natives  may  be 
easily  con<piered,  but  not  easily  exterminated.  However 
merciless  the  slaught«'r  in  war,  the  convenience  and  th^' 
necessities  of  the  conquerors  almost  always  lead  them  to 
s})are  no  small  part  of  the  subjectefl  people. 

The  Spaniards  conquered  Mexico  and  Peru  three  hun- 
dred and  fffty  years  ago;  and  they  proved  themselves 
merciless  con(|uerors,  slaughtering  a  large  portion  of  two 
ninnerous  nations,  and  strif)ping  the  sui'vivors  of  every- 
thing that  could  swell  the  spoils  of  the  victors.  From 
that  day  they  became,  and  are  still,  the  dominant ; 
but  they  utterly  failed  ia  supplant  the  native  raee  ;  and, 



uliilf  till'  «k\sci*iulaiits  of  tlu'  Spanianls  in  Mexico  litth* 
exccfd  (Hie  million,  tliosc  of  the  conqnoivd  projilc  innul»rr 
seven  times  tliat  annmnt.  Tlie  case  is  very  similar  in 
l\'ru.  The  cultivation  of  tlii'  soil,  and  tlu'  arts  most 
t'ssrntial  tt)  the  support  and  comforts  of  life  arc  still  de- 
p«'nd«'nt  in  l»otli  countries  on  the  lahour  au<l  skill  of  the 
jnimitive  rae(>.  The  Spanisli  colonies  in  America  st'om 
to  ha VI'  made  little  pro«,Mi'ss  in  civilization  ;  and  of  late, 
after  half  a  century  of  freedom  from  tho  domination  of 
old  Spain,  their  course  seems  to  l»c  rather  retro^nade 
than  progressive. 

More  than  two  centuries  liave  passed  since  tlu'  Eu'^lisli 
l»e«^an  to  make  those  territorial  acquisitions  in  India, 
which  now  enduuce  the  whole  antl  more  than  the  whole 
of  tliat  givat  and  fertile  peninsula.  Yet  the  Dritons  in 
India  are,  to  tliis  day,  hut  an  army  of  occuj)ation,  <,'arri- 
.soninj;  tJie  stn>ni;-hol<ls  which  comntand  the  strate<^'tic 
and  connnercial  points,  and  the  lines  of  communication. 
There  is  not  in  India  even  the  send»lance  of  a  British 
colony,  A  vast,  industrious,  and  skilful  native  p<»pula- 
tion  fill  all  the  lower  an<l  numv  of  the  hi;jher  callings  l»v 
wliich  the  mass  of  Eun)peans,  in  their  own  country,  earn 
a  living;  and  the  clinuite  in  India  is  a  yet  more  insuper- 
ahle  har  to  emigrants  from  Europe  than  the.pnvsence  of 
an  indu.strious  and  skilful  native  population. 

But  even  where  tlie  climate  is  as  suitaMe  to  the  con- 
(piering  iuNaders  as  to  the  conquered  natives,  it  is  ditti- 
cult  for  tlie  new-comers  to  supplant  the  others. 

Few  countiies  are  more  blessed  with  j)hysical  advan- 
tages— more  favoured  in  soil,  climate  and  geographic  po- 
sition and   f'-atui-es,  than    Ireland.     If  the  Noinians  of 





Knj^land,  and  their  Anglo-Saxon  followers,  in  tlu'ir  •xpo- 
(litions  to  Ireland  in  the  twelfth  eentury,  had  found  it 
an  uninhabited  country,  in  no  lonjr  time  thev  would 
have  added  to  the  dominions  of  th<'  English  soveieigns 
territories  ecjuivalent  to  thirty  English  counties,  differ- 
ing little  in  the  character  of  their  population,  and  in  the 
cidture  and  development  of  their  resources,  from  th«- 
fifty-two  counties  of  England  and  W.ales.  (ireat  as  the 
wealth  and  power  of  England  were  even  then,  these 
thirty  new  counties,  homogeneous  with  those  east  of  the 
narrow  Irish  Sea,  becoming  jiractically  a  ])art  of  the 
kinudom  of  England,  would  have  added  more  than  one- 
half  to  its  power:  and  Iieland  would  have  been  as  much 
and  more  akin  to  England  than  Northumberland  to  Kent. 
Jjut  as  it  was,  Ireland  has  proved  to  England  as  much 
a  source  of  weakness  as  of  strength.  The  invaders  from 
I'ji'dand  found  Ireland,  in  the  twelfth  centurv,  already 
(»ccuj)ied  by  a  numerous  people  in  the  occupation  of  the 
soil  ;  and  they  i)ersistently,  although  unsuccessfidly,  re- 
siste<l  the  invaih'rs.  The  superiority  of  tlu'  latter  in 
civilization,  discipline,  arms  and  armour,  and  also  in  race, 
rendered  numbeis  unavailing  against  them  ;  for  the  con- 
(juerors  of  Iielan*l  were  of  the  Teutonic  race,  which  has 
proved  itself  superior  to  all  others.  The  con((uered  peo- 
ple were  Celts,  a  race  endowed  also  with  high  (pialitics, 
and  inferior  only  to  the  Teutonic.  Moreover,  the  de- 
scendants  of  the  old  Danish  and  other  Scan<linavian 
invaders  and  settlers  in  Ireland  were  now,  by  this  new 
invasion,  mingled  with  the  Celtic  ])eople,  and  were 
ecpially  zealous  in  opposing  the  iiew-comers.  The  result 
was  that  Ireland,  although  concpiered  and  held  by  the 


1  I 

Kiiirlisli  for  seven  eeiitmies,  is  Irlsli  still.  TIk'  <Vltic 
jxipulation,  not  l)ein<;  (>xt«'niiinate«l.  but  only  siil»jeete«i. 
multiplied  in  spite  of  the  sul»j«"et  position  they  held  in 
their  own  country  ;  find  th»*v  eiii^rossed  all  the  lalM)rious 
and  lower  occupations  fonuin;^  an  impassable  barrier  to 
the  influx  of  colonists  who  mit^ht  have  broULjht  EngliNh 
industry,  arts,  habits,  and  idras  into  Ireland.  In  the 
earlier  half  of  this  century  the  j)opulatiim  rosr  to  much 
more  than  ei;;ht  millions,  of  which  nunilM-r  seven  nnllions 
were  of  Celtic  blood,  and  not  on«- and  a  half  millions  wei*- 
the  descendauus  of  the  armed  or  of  the  pacitic  invaders 
of  the  country  centuries  aj'o — Ireland  was  Irish  still. 

It  is  only  since  about  the  midilh-  of  this  century  that 
famine  and  other  powerful  inHueiices,  amon«{  which  the 
chief  the  increased  facilities  and  inducemmts  to 
emigration,  have  cut  down  the  population  of  Irtdand  by 
nearly  three  millions.  One  would  hav*-  stipposed  that 
Irehmd  would  be  now  less  than  it  wa**.  Hut  the 
dominant  people  have  utterly  faileil  to  assimilate  the  to  themselves.  The  anim«>sitv  of  th«'  ( 'eltic  Irish 
against  the  English  and  their  connection  with  England, 
and  yet  more  against  the  class  in  their  own  coJintry  who, 
although  with  them  there  for  centuries,  have  not  Income 
one  with  them,  (and  whom  they  .still  call  Saxons  never 
was,  perhaps,  more  intense  tlian  at  this  day. 

When  we  consider  the  uttiT  failure  ofthe  Euirlish  to 
colonize  India,and  their  slow  and  .sma'l  success  in  coloniz- 
ing Ireland,  where  complete  and  sjieedy  success  seemed 
certain;  and  when  we  contrast  thes<*  faihm's  with  tluir 
unrivalled  and  wonderful  succe.s.s  in  North  America,  wr 
must  see  tliat  great  natural  and  social  causi*s  placed  in- 



><u|M'ral»lc  nItstacKs  in  tlu'ir  wny  in  tlic  fornuT  casrs,  aii«l 
thixt  a  rare  c<»iiil»inati()n  of  ciirnnistances  attonUMl  tlu-iii 
the  <^n('at<'st,  facilities  in  tlic  last.  It  is  true  tliat  the 
people  of  (Jreat  liiitain,  tlie  Knj^^lisli  and  lowlainl  Sf()tch, 
are  j)eculiarly  fitted  for  tli«'se  great  enterprises  of  colon- 
ization, and  that  tin*  French  an<l  Spaniards  attempting 
similar  undertakin«rs,  often  with  <M<'ater  means,  never 
achieved  half  as  much.  But,  in  the  planting  of  the  thir- 
teen colonies  on  the  North  America!!  coast,  eve! ythi!ig 
comhi!ied  U)  secu!'e  success  so  speedy  a!id  per!na!H'nt, 
that  the  ]iisto!'y  of  colonizatio!i  ca!!  tell  us  of  !iotliii!g 
that  rivals  it. 

Let  the  !-eadei'  take  in  the  full  impo!'t  of  this  fact:  In 
ma!!y  parts  of  this  newly  settled  cou!it!y  the  wide  ex- 
l)a!ise  of  vir<du  soil  continued  to  vield  so  !-eadv  aiid 
ahunda!it  a  i-eturi!  to  the  lahours  of  the  hus1)a!id!nan,  as 
he!'e  ii!st  i!i  the  histoiv  of  man  to  afford  a  i«'liahle  series 
of  facts,  fiom  which  could  be  infeiTed  the  !'ate  of  possible 
inc!ease  of  the  human  species,  whei'e  populatio!i  does  not 
piess  upo!i  the  mea!is  of  subsistence  ;  the  increase  not 
beinir  checked  1)V  the  dif!ic!!ltv  of  obtai!ii!ig  food.  Before 
the  s(,'ttlement  of  these  Ei!glish  colo!iies,  who  ever  l!ea!-d 
of  any  legion  of  count!'y  doubli!ig  its  population  in 
eightee!!  o!'  twenty  years  by  i!atu!'al  inciease  :* 

In  commenti!!g  on  thesple!!did  success  of  this  cohmiz- 
atio!i  which,  i!i  little  !nore  than  two  centu!-ies,  expa!ided 
itself,  in  a  belt  a  thousa!id  miles  wi<le,  tVom  the  Atlantic 
to  tlie  Facitic,  over  a  region  neaily  as  laige  ;is  Europe, 
we  !nust  not  foim't  that  the  causes  of  this  success,  botli 
moi-al  and  !naterial,  operated  far  more  vigoi'ously  in  the 
eai-1iei-  tlian  in  the  latter  pait  of  that  tiiue.     This  becomes 








I'S,  JlU'l 

I  tlu'm 
iat  the 
■  col  on - 
,  iK'Vcr 
tie  tliir- 

ict:     In 
villi'  I'X- 
uly  an«l 
[man,  as 
(»  series 
dossil  lie 
loi's  not 
ase  not 
'V  heard 
ition  in 

'ss,  lioth 
y  in  the 

j)lain  to  ns  when  wr  consi<ler  the  moral  and  material  in- 
riuenc»'s  j)roniotin«(  this  prosperity  and  proj^M'ess. 

As  we  have  said,  tin;  colonists,  hein;^'  Knj^dislniien, 
hroufjht  with  them  En<dish  institutions  and  civilization. 
Tlu'V  were  an  enerjjfetic  and  enterprisinir  detachm»'nt  of 
the  Anglo-Saxon  people,  traineil  up  in  the  practical  Eng- 
lish school  of  laws,  liberties,  and  ac<piired  and  \ested 
rights;  not  in  modmi  theories  as  to  hunuin  eipiulity  and 
the  so-called  inalirnahle  rights  of  man.  A^  colonists  they 
were  long  protected,  inriut'nc«'(l,  nnd  in  a  measure  con- 
troileil  hv  the  mother  countrv.  which  had  freiiurnt  c<Mn- 
munication  with  tlie  remoti'st  settlements.  Many  of  the 
more  suceessful  cohmists,  «'S|weially  in  the  South,  sent 
their  sons,  and  not  seldom,  their  daughtei-s  to  Englan<l 
for  t>dueation,  continiiinyf  this  for  LC»'n«'iations,  and  still 
sp.aking  of  England  as  'home.'  And  such  it  still  w;us  in 
the  hest  sense  ;  for  from  thence  was  drrivrd  almost  all 
that  was  worth  pres«'rving  in  politieal.  social,  and  in- 
tellectual attaiinuents.  For  in  religion,  law,  letti'i-s, 
morals,  manners,  America,  with  all  its  claims  to  invent- 
ing an«l  cajiacity  for  ap}>ropriating.  has  done  little  to  im- 
prove, much  to  corrupt  that  which  it  has  derived  from 

The  earlier  emigrants,  notstiictly  English,  who  soutrht 
li<Mi»es  in  these  English  colonies,  were  of  d»*Ncri|>tions 
hio-hlv  ilesirahle  in  this  new  countrv.  hut  were  not 
mnnerous  enouifh  to  chanjje  materiallv  tin-  eharaeter  of 
tlu'  population.  On  the  levocation  of  the  edict  of 
Nantes,  in  1()<S.'),  many  French  Protestants,  a  class  in 
character,  eilucation,  au<l  industry  Far  ahove  the  averae*' 
of  the  French  people,  sought  houies  in  America  to  «<cape 



TIN.    t.MTKI*   nT.\TK> 

jK'i'Nrcution  for  tln-ir  faitli.  Many  lowlaiKl  StMjtcli.  ami 
Soott'li-Irisli  from  tin*  North-t-ast  of  Ireland,  zvalons 
Protestants  an<l  noted  for  tlM*ir  indnstrv  and  thrift, 
migrated  to  these  colonies.  Under  tlie  patronage  of  the 
crown  and  of  some  of  the  colonial  govenniients  several 
numeHMis  ]M»dies  of  ai'ricnitiiral  einiiri-ants  from  Nortliein 
an«l  IVot^stant  (lermanv  wen-  hronirlit  into  the  countrv. 
The  original  colonists  of  New  York  were  Hollanders, 
so  that  the  jK'ople  of  twelve  out  of  thiil<*en  colonies 
Were  «»f  Teutonic  origin,  and  their  ( 'hri>tianity  was  re- 
itresented  l»v  Pnjtestant  elmrehes:  Marvland  or  ijither 
iiciltiiiiore  and  its  neiuhl>ourho<»l  iK-inir  the  only  settle- 
nient  where  th«'  Celtic  race  and  tlie  church  of  Rome 
wen*  strongly  represented. 

The  government  with  whieh  the  colonists  wen-  in 
actual  and  daily  contict.  on  all  the  most  vital  points  of 
political  and  social  life,  was  the  colonial  government  of 
each  colonv.  Thesr*  had  lM.'en  nirxlelled  aft4*r  that  of 
(ireat  Britiiin  :  an<l,  at  a  lat«'r  flay,  they  were  not  so 
much  changed  as  modified  into  the  State  governments, 
to  adapt  them  to  tlieir  new  conditif>n  of  independence  of 
the  British  crown.  Internally  the  cliange  was  not  great  ; 
the  political  and  legal  institution--  of  the  individual 
statf's  continuing  to  hear  the  marks  of  their  Anglo-Saxon 
origin,  not  only  stamped  upon  them,  hut  interwoven  in 
their  fihre.  The  Anglo-Saxon  race.  long  and  overwhelm- 
ingly pre«lominated  in  the  ]>opulation,  controlling  i)ublic 
afi'airs,  populai-  opinion,  and  the  nhole  tone  of  society. 
The  '  En<dish  connnon  law  '  is  still  of  force  in  almost 
every  stat*^  of  the  Union,  ♦•xcept  on  those  points  on 
wliieli   its    provisions    have    l»een    expressly    alt^'red   hy 



stiitute.  In  fact  tlir  law  luis  Ix-'cn  so  luwe-li  altcrrd  in  tlie 
lavt  forty  vcars  in  Kni^land,  tluit  nion>  of  tlu'  old  KiiltHsIi 
connnon  law  is,  or  was  lately  in  forcv  in  soint'  of  the 
states  than  in  Kn«;lan<l  itself. 

These  lo(;al  ^governments  were  sustained  chiftly  hy 
direct  taxes,  which  were  seldom  hunhnsome  in  amount. 
Now  there  is  nothin;^'  n>en  are  more  vi;^alant  and 
more  intolerant  of  than  hi^^h  and  unnecessary  taxation, 
when  they  know  that  the  money  comes  out  of  their  own 
|iockets.  And  this  each  man  must  know  uutler  the  t)pen 
and  honest  system  of  «lirect  taxation.  Tiiis  secuHMl  hoth 
Jionesty  and  ec«)nomy  in  the  expenditure  of  the  revenues 
of  the  colonies,  and  afterwards  of  the  States.  There 
was  in  conseijuence  just  *;overnment  enouj^di  to  protect 
.society,  hut  no  further  interference  with  men's  private 
pursuits,  under  pretence  of  takin^^  care  of,  and  henetiting 
in«lividuals.  There  was  no  fund  to  maintain  a  wide 
patronage,  to  he  used  as  the  means  of  hrihin*,'  and  huy- 
in^  up  supporters  of  those  in  power;  and  men  andjitious 
of  puhlic  life  uu)i\'.  often  impoverished  than  enriched 
themselves  hv  holdin<^  otHce. 

The  vast  expanse  of  territory  west  of  the  colonies,  an<l^ 
for  a  long-  time,  of  the  states,  served  as  a  vent  and  safety- 
valve  to  lelieve  these  not  too  ri<fid  and  exactinir  L'oveni- 
ments  of  the  task  of  controlling  ihe  more  restless  and  en- 
terprising, ami  also  the  more  turbulent  and  criminal  por- 
tion of  I  he  population.  The  dangerous  classes,  as  the 
French  call  them,  those  who  in  most  countries  task  the 
vigilance  of  the  police,  and  the  energies  of  the  govern- 
ment to  watch  and  control  them,  here,  from  the  tirst 
settlement  of  the  country,  stea<lily  tendi'd   towuids  the 




^a(k-\voi»tl.s.  'llu'ir  waicliudul  Wcas  '  \N  i-slNvaid  ho!' 
Tlu'V  s«»ii«rlit  tlif  unn*strain«'(l  and  advciitmoiits  lift'  of 
the  fnniticr,  Tlie  lM«tU'r  rlass  l>ecariu'  liunters  and  trap- 
pers in  tlie  fur  trade,  tin-  worse  dividc<l  their  energies 
U'tween  traftieinir  witli  and  ehratin''  tlie  indians.  and 
slang]»t»'rin«,'  th«-ni  out  of  t\\i-  way  «»f  a<lvancing  eivil- 

Hi'rr  we  nnist  sav  that  tlir  liistorv  of  tlie  eolonirs  and 

•  « 

of  the  Tnited  SUites  and  ninnlK'iless  d«K*uuients  connect- 
ed Avith  that  historv,  tells  us  of  ])eaee  and  war  >vith  the 
Indian  triU's.  of  ne<rotiation,  treaties  and  tmttic  with 
them.  Hut  thev  do  not  and  eannot  tell  us  all  that 
oeeunvd  hetwe^-n  tlie  two  i-aees,  hut  only  what  passed  on 
the  public  stage.  B»*hind  tin-  scenes,  from  the  early 
times  of  the  eoloni«*s  until  now,  an  mieeasinjr  skirmish 
has  hern  waif«'«l  alonj;  the  reeedin*'  frontier  4>n  which  the 
indian  y»'t  lingns.  Here  he  stan<ls  face  to  face  with 
persevering  rnemi«'s  who  have  Ix'en  for  centuries  intru<l- 
ing  on  his  haunts.  Many  of  these  enemies  are  there, 
because  civiliz^^l  s<K*ietv.  niuibi<'  lon«;er  to  tolerate  their 
presence,  had  thrust  them  out  beyond  its  pale.  We  will 
not  stop  to  censure  or  defend  this  conflict  of  two 
hinidreil  years.  Perhaps  the  natuiij  and  j)*xsition  of  the 
tM'o  races  renderetl  it  unavoidabh*.  But  we  will  illus- 
tmte  l>y  an  anecdote  the  feelings  and  the  deed.s  en<'-en- 
d(*red  amonfj  the  whites  on  the  frontier. 

"  We  who  first  came  out  to  this  neighbonrhoml  lived  a 
rough  life "  said  an  old  settler  to  a  traveller  in  the 
West."  We  were  on  the  indian  frontier,  and  the 
red  devils  never  far  from  us.  Do  you  know,  young  man, 
how   I  sometimes  got  my  venison  ^" 



"  I  .su})pose  yi)ii  liuutcil  ;iinl  sliut  tlio  (U-er,"  said 
the    travel Kt. 

"  Not  always,  younijfster  "  aiiMWcrt'd  tlie  old  man  with  a 
irlanco  at  once  cunnin<rM!i(l  rieice.  '*  More  than  once,  wljile 
huntint,Mn  the  w  )o(ls,  I  have  heard  the  eraek  of  a  lille:  and 
creeping  steatliily  that  way  have  come  upon  a  ledskin 
rippinj^  up  a  fini;  buck  or  doe,  whieli  he  liad  killed  when 
I  heard  the  shot." 

"  He  liad  the  advantage  of  you "  said  the  traveller 
"  heing  before  hand  with  you  in  the  sport. " 

"Not  so!"  said  tlie  old  frontiersman  'I  had  the  ad- 
vantage of  }jim." 

"  How  so  '     What  did  you  do  ;"" 

1  looked  carefully  around,  and  listened  for  a  while  ; 
and  if  the  signs  showed  that  he  was  a  single  hunter, 
witl»  no  companions  near — 

"  What  then  i*"  exclaimed  the  traveller. 

"  I  shot  the  Indian,  and  took  the  deer." 

"  You  did  !  That  was  verv  like  murder.  But  of 
course  it  was  in  time  of  wai  " 

"  Murder!"  said  the  old  man  scornfully.  "  We  ilid  not 
give  it  that  name  on  the  frontier.  Some  people  may  call 
it  so  now.  1  can  not  remember  whether  there  was  war 
or  peace  between  the  g«^vernment  and  the  tribes  just 
then.  But  tliere  was  seldom  such  peace  Itetween  us  bor- 
derers and  the  red-skins,  that  we  lost  an  opportunity  of 
paying  oft*  old  scores,  when  there  was  no  witness  it  hand 
to  bring  us  into  trouble." 

The  colonies  and  afterwards  the  States  usually  enjoyed 
almost  complete  exemption  from  the  heaviest  burden 
upon  the  resources  of  nations.     The   greatest  outlay  a 


*  1*. 




^ovi'ininont  usually  lias  to  luake  is  ox[m'HiI«'<1  on  tliosr 
t'lalxinit*'  jufparations  lu'ccssary  to  secure  the  country 
a;,miiist  the  aniltitiou  ami  hostility  of  near  an<l  powerful 
nei;L(li hours.  Armies  and  fleets,  fortresses  an«l  arsenals, 
stored  with  costly  materials  of  wai",  are  usually  the  ^n-eedy 
devourers  of  a  nati<jn's  revenues.  Hut  the  Kn;^dish  colo- 
nies felt  little  of  this  hurdi'U.  The  task  and  cost  of 
defeiidin*^  them  fell  chi«ffly  on  the  mother-country. 
And  when  at  length  they  hecame  states,  and  had  woiked 
tlieir  way  throuj^di  the  stru^'^de  for  independence,  they 
found  them.selves  without  any  stron<^^  nei^hluMU"  on  the 
same  continent  with  them,  nor  in  the  least  danger  of 
invasion;  and  thus  unth-r  no  necessity  to  expend  much 
in  keeping-  u))  a  large  military  force.  For  <'ighty  years 
after  l7tSl  the  permanent  military  and  naval  force  of 
the  United  States,  when  compared  with  that  of  other 
countries,  was,  or  seemed,  ridiculously  snudl  for  their 
resources.  The  country  enjoyed  a  unicjue  exemption 
from  that  heavy  buideii  with  which  most  nations  were 
coujpelled  to  saddle  themselves. 

l>ut  the  chief  and  most  obvious  source  of  prosperity 
to  the  colonists  and  to  their  descendants  for  several  gen- 
erations, securing  to  them  immense  success  in  their  agri- 
cultural enterprises,  sprang  from  the  fact  that  they  were 
cultivating  virgin  soil. 

If  we  could  trace  the  history  «)f  a«nicidture  from  the 
first  invention  of  the  plough,  we  would  he  apt  to  tind 
that  the  unfailing  process,  in  every  land,  has  been  to 
wear  out  the  field  to  barrenness  by  successive  croppijigs, 
then  to  clear  a  new  field  and  go  through  the  same  rout- 
ine foi'  extractinu"  fi'om   it  all  that  could  be  turned    into 



profit.  Not  until  tin*  wliolr  of  lii-  land  iiad  Itecn  toIjImmI 
of  its  fi'itiiity  •lid  any  faiiiicr  tliink  (»f  usinn"  nuans  and 
Ittliourto  n't'upnate  the  soil.  IJnl  the  colonist  in  Amer- 
ica, and  hi.s  (h'seendants  for  ^generations,  seldom  felt 
themsc'lvi?s  to  l>e  refhieed  to  this  lahorious  and  irksome 
neeessitv.  Viriiin  soil  and  fertile  land  seemed  to  be  here 
without  lindt.  And  if,  in  a  j^eneration  or  two,  the  once 
fertile  rields  in  his  nt'iyhliourh<K)d  prove^l  to  he  exhausted, 
(he  farmer  had  only  to  move  westward. 

'  To-iiiorrow  to  fi-ewli  wnods  and  pftsturea  new,' 
This  eravino-  of  thr  farmei'  for  fnsli  and  fertile  soil  nfavo 
(juite  as  powerful  an  inn)ulse,  as  the  enterpiisini^"  and 
enei^etic  character  of  the  ])eople,  to  the  rapid  ext«'nsion 
of  st'ttlements  across  the  whole  breadth  of  the  contiuiJit. 
The  American  farmer,  moving'  steadily  westward  for 
<.(<'nerations,  has  been  sowiuLf  his  seed  in  the  \  irgin  soil 
enrichecl  by  centuries  of  vegetation  perishiiiu-  on  and 
manuiin*;'  the  spot  in  wdiich  it  o-rew.  He  has  been  like 
a  <lairy-nian  who  couhl  churn  ;i  vast  (juantity  of  butler, 
liavin<r  Jvn  uidinated  amount  of  cream  to  skim. 



iiv   here    lemark    that    it    is    curious    to    trace, 

through  certain  returns  as  to  nativities  found  in  the  IJ. 
S.  census  for  ]<So(),  liow  the  natives  of  ditl'erent  states  on 
the  Atlantic  coast,  in  ndgratinn-  westward,  generally 
followed  the  parallels  of  latitude  of  their  old  li.iuies. 
and  that  where,  in  the  South,  they  in  sonie  cases  \aiie<I 
from  it,  their  oftener  tended  to  the  North  than  Lo 
the  South.  Doubtless  thev  were  Landed  bv  a  natural 
craving  for  a  cooler  climate,  more  congenial  to  people  of 
the  (,'aucasian  race  than  that  in  which  thev  had  been 

u  n^ 




Could  we  count,  weigli,  and  measure  all  the  and 
unique  advantages  accumulated  upon  the  people  of  thest^ 
States  beyond  those  of  other  countries,  we  would  not 
wonder  at  the  rapid  lioo<l  of  prosperity  that  poured  in 
upon  them,  and  on  which,  for  a  time,  they  swam  so 
buoyantly ;  nor  that  multitudes  of  the  needy  and  the 
malcontent  in  the  populous  countiies  of  western  Europe 
turned  their  faces  towards  it,  as  the  Israelites  to  the 
promised  land. 





J  low  Long  Wdi*  this  Siii<ju/ar  ProKiHrltii  fo  LdM  ? 

Was  its  permanence  seeui-eil  by  the  operation  of  per- 
manent causes  ^  Were  there  no  evil  ai^eneies  of  any 
kind  at  work  sapping  its  foun<]ations  '.  We  will  search 
them  out  and  try  to  arrange  them  in  their  natural  order. 

We  have  seen  that  the  people  of  these  English  settle- 
ments on  the  Atlantic  coast,  while  they  continued  colo- 
nies, and  after  they  became  States,  enjoyed  the  inestim- 
able blessing  of  living  undei-  governments  which  were 
efficient  and  yet  not  burdensome.  Tliey  aimed  at 
nothinij  more  than  to  a<lminister  justice  amonir  the  Deo- 
pie,  and  to  protect  them  against  ioreign  enemies.  And 
this  is  all  that  any  people  need  demand  of  any  govern- 
ment under  which  they  live.  Everything  else  the  peo- 
ple, either  as  individuals,  or  through  voluntary  associa- 
tions, can  do  better  for  themselves.  Under  political 
institutions,  which  trammelled  neither  their  occupations 
nor  their  movements,  the  people  throve  and  spread  so 
rapidly,  that  there  soon  sprang  up,  far  west  (jf  the 
States  on  the  coast,  a  need  for  the  organization  of  new 
local  governments,  like  those  of  the  States  from  whicli 
this  swelling  tide  of  emigrants  liad  issued. 

For  that  debatable  land  on  which  the  long  and  bloody 
skirmish  was  ever  being  fo\ight  between  the  native  red 
man  and  the  intruding  white  adventurei-s — this  moving 


u ':' 



rm;  imiki)  sr.\ri> 

frontier  was  withdrawing  into  the  far  west,  while  behind 
it  tlie  wilderness  was  becoming,  step  by  step,  a  settled 
and  cultivated  country;  bearing  the  marks  and  yielding 
the  proihicts  of  eivilized  industry,  the  fruits  of  which 
are  eagerly  sought  aftei*  in  the  markets  of  tlu'  comniei- 
cial  world. 

But  in  the  mean  while  an  unforeseen  change  was 
taking  place  in  owe  nature  and  aims  of  government 
throughout  the  country.  And  this  change,  at  first  slow 
in  movement,  i)roceeded  with  ever  accelerating  steps, 
which  we  must  trace  out  briefly. 

The  better  to  carry  on  the  war  begun  in  177<J  for  the 
establishment  of  their  independence  of  the  mother  coun- 
tiy,  the  thirteen  colonies  had  united  themselves  into  a 
confederacy  by  a  treaty  called  '  The  Articles  of  Confed- 
eration,' which  by  express  agreement  were  to  be  perpet- 
ual. They  continued  united  under  this  treaty  thro\igh 
the  greater  part  of  the  war,  and  seven  years  after.  Be- 
coming then  dissatisfied  with  this  treaty,  the  States, 
actint>-  as  States,  set  aside  '  The  Articles  of  ( 'onfedera- 
tion,'  which  were  to  have  been  perpetual,  and  made  with 
each  othei'  another  treaty  called  'The  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,'  more  precise  in  ttn-ms  and  more 
stringent  in  conditions,  which  created,  under  the  form 
of  a  federal  goveiiiment,  a  connnon  agent  for  each  and 
all  the  States  for  certain  specified  purposes.  The  States 
endowed  this  common  agent  with  certain  specified 
powers  and  with  no  others  ;  for  the  powers  not  granted 
were  expressly  reserved  to  the  individual  States.  A 
year  or  two  elapsed  after  this  treaty  went  into  operation 
between  most  of  the  states,  before  all  acceded  to  it. 



The  purj)Oses  to  In*  Sfrvod  l»y  tliis  au'ont  of  all  tlir 
statos,  aii'l  ^vhiell  tliry  nanuvl  '  The  Govcninu'nt  of  the 
United  Stat«'.s.'  wviv  (issentially  these:  To  secure  tlie 
friendly  union  and  intercourse  hrtween  the  states,  and 
the  people  of  the  states;  and  to  present  them  as  one 
united  hody,  in  ])eace  and  in  war.  to  all   foreii^m  powers. 

The  States  however  did  not  cea^e  to  hr  each  a  sove- 
rt-ii^n  body  politic  within  its  own  limits,  in  all  matters 
not  expressly  dfUi^ated  to  tlie  common  agent.  Tln' 
forminiT  <>f  the  l^nion  did  not  i;«'nerate  an  allegiance  to 
a  sfO'ernment  or  to  a  countrv.  Each  eitizi-n  <»f  rach 
State  owed  alle<dance  to  his  own  State.  On  the  forma- 
tion  of  the  Uni(m,  at  first  rnch-r  the  'Articles  of  ('onft'd- 
eration,*  afterwards  under  the  'Constitution  of  tlie 
United  States,'  lie,  as  W(dl  as  Ids  State,  assumed  a  new 
ol)liiration  :  that  of  observin<jf  in  ij^ood  faitli  the  terms  of 
the  treaty  oi  Union.  Not  ev^en  the  othcials  of  the  new 
ifovernment  ever  took  anv  oath  of  alh.'ijfiance  to  it.  as  a 
tfovernment,  or  to  the  countrv  within  its  jurisdiction. 
The  only  oath  taken  was,  to  observe  faithfullv  tlie  teruis 
of  the  treaty  of  union  between  the  States.  As  to  tlie 
perpftuity  of  the  Union,  nothing-  is  exj>ressly  sai<l  of  it 
in  the  '  CVmstitution  of  the  Unit«'d  States.'  Doubtless 
it  was  meant  to  be  as  perpetual  as  the  good  faith  in 
observiuiT  the  conditions  on  which  the  States  had  entered 
into  the  T^nion,  and  no  longer.  To  assume  tliat  the 
parties  that  made  the  compact  of  unic^n  on  certain  speci- 
fied conditions,  nieant  these  conditions  to  l>e  temporary, 
but  tlie  union  leased  upon  them  perpetual — that  gross  and 
pei-sistent  violation  of  the  terms  of  the  agreement,  by 
some  parties  to  it,  would   not    release  the  otiiers   from 






their  olili^^ation — would  Ik*  p»ttin«(  tlio  most  alisunl  ainl 
illo^ncal  construction  on  tlie  contract. 

T\\('  ])eoj»li'  of  each  State  looked  to  tlieir  own  State 
government  for  the  protection  of  their  personal,  social, 
and  pi-oprietary  riiihts.  The  laws  of  the  State  regulated 
all  social  relations,  those  of  husband  and  wife,  parent 
and  child,  master  and  seivant,  maniage.  inheritance, 
guardianship  ;  and  all  proprietary  rights,  as  title  to  land, 
and  to  other  property,  contracts,  and  in  general  all  those 
questions  as  to  rights  and  wrong's,  for  the  decision  of 
which  men  appeal  to  courts  of  law  and  equity.  The 
law  of  the  State  fixed  the  statilft  of  individuals  in  the 
stat(',  such  as  the  (pialificiitions  necessary  before  a  man 
can  exercise  the,  as  a  voter,  or  hold  office,  or 
serve  &.s  a  juror  in  the  courts  of  the  State. 

Under  the  terms  of  the  tr<;aty  of  (Tnion  the  States 
had  delegated  to  tliei;  comnnm  agent,  the  Federal  gov- 
ernment, exclusive  jurisdiction  over  certain  matters ; 
amcmg  which  Were:  'To  defines  and  punish  piracies  and 
felonies  on  the  hi<rh  seas,' — and  '  Offences  a<;ainst  the 
law  of  nations,' — Counterfeiting  the  secui'ities  and  coin 
of  the  United  State's '---'And  offences  against  the 
office,  etc.  But,  with  these  exceptions  and  a  few  others, 
it  was  to  the  government  of  their  respective  States 
that  the  people  looked  for  the  puni.shment  of  all  those 
offences,  whether  against  persons,  property,  or  society, 
which  governments  find  it  necessary  to  punish.  Omit- 
ting the  offtncos  specially  excepted  above,  all  crimes 
conunitted  in  a  State  were  tried  by  the  sovereign 
authority  of  the  State,  under  its  own  laws,  in  its  own 
courts,  and  before  a   iurv  of  its  citizens.     If  a  man  is 



lian<,'C(l  for  a  capital  crime,  it  is  the  State  tliat  hanpfs 
liiin.  Sliould  tlic  case  call  for  the  exercise  of  the  par- 
flonini:^  power,  the  governor  of  the  State  panlons  him. 
But  ishouM  the  (»overnor  refuse,  and  the  President  of 
the  Uniteil  States  assume  to  grant  liim  a  pardon,  the 
convict  would  bo  hanged  even  with  such  a  pardon  in  his 
liand.  It  would  be  mere  waste  paper.  The  civil  juris- 
dittion  of  the  state  courts  was  as  broad  as  the  criminal. 
It  was  not  to  relieve  themselves  of  tlieir  jurisdiction  as 
soverei<ni  States  that  thev  contracted  with  each  other 
for  the  creation,  for  certain  speciHed  purposes,  of  a 
connnon  agent,  now  known  as  the  '  Government  of  the 
United  States.' 

Such  was  the  theory  of  that  c<^)mplex  political 
organization  consisting  of  the  goveniments  of  the  indi- 
vidual States,  and  of  the  States  united  with  each 

As  we  have  already  said,  the  indivi<lual  States  levie<l 
the  ver}'-  moderate  revenues,  need«'d  for  the  support  of 
their  governments,  chiefly  by  direct  taxes.  For  instance 
the  little  state  of  South  Carolina,  with  a  population  iii 
1<S.")0  of  ()(nS,.")00  of  whieli  oN'),000  were  negro  slaves,  for 
several  years  before  and  after  tiiat  time  expended  an- 
nually less  than  $400,000  for  the  support  ('f  all  the  de- 
partments of  its  government;  au'i  this  proved  enough 
to  secure  the  efficient  administration  of  the  law,  and 
preserve  good  order  in  the  state.  We  V»elieve  that  this 
is  but  a  fair  sample  of  the  econi*-;!}-  observed  in  the  ex- 
penditures of  most  of  the  states. 

But'  their  common  agent,  the  government  of  the 
United  States,  had  som»'  costly  duties  to  p<*rfoi-m,   for 







1    . 

1  f 

,  m 




1 ' 





•   1'^: 



TIIK    rXITKI)    STAI'liS. 

instiinco;  tliosc  of  providinL;'  tlie  means  of  defence  against 
for('i;4'n  enemies,  and  tlie  temporary  care  and  <,'overn- 
ment  of  tlie  larL,^e  pul)lic  territories  out  ide  of  the  borders 
of  the  States,  until  hy  the  immiL;ration  and  permanent 
settlements  made,  sutHcient  and  suitahle  portions  of  this 
territory'  had  become  jjopulous  enough  to  support  each 
a  state  <,'overnment.  In  connection  with  the  case  of 
these  wild  territories,  the  Federal  o-oveinment  was 
charLi^ed  with  dealiiin'  with  the  indian  triiies;  a  nice  and 
troublesome  tluty,  and  one  which  the  agents  of  the  gov- 
erinnent  soon  learned  how  t(;  make  very  costlv  to  the 
government,  and  veiy  profitable  to  themsrlves. 

To  enable  the  Federal  uovernment  to  fultil  these  and 
some  other  duties,  power  had  been  granted  to  it  '  To  lay 
and  collect  tax(  s,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises,'  and  that 
withoiit  any  limitation  I'xcept  that  'All  duties,  imposts, 
and  excises  shall  be  uniform  thi-ouirhout  the  United 
states.'  Being  thus  furnished  with  the  nx.'ans  of  fccd- 
inu;  itself,  this  child  of  the  States  i>iew  and  li-rew,  and  its 
appetite  for  jiower  and  appropriation  grew  with  what  it 
fed  on,  until  it  was  able  to  eat  up  its  paients;  and  it 
has  already  eaten  up  a  good  many  of  them — by  convert- 
ing them  into  con(picre<l  provinces. 

The  truth  is  that  the  'Government  of  the  United 
States'  Avas  the  offspring  of  a  stupid  and  shortsighted 
treaty  betAveen  the  several  States.  Beini'-  entrusted 
with  the  power  of  unlimited  taxation  it  gradually,  yet 
ra[)idly  and  naturally,  tended  towards  the  usurpation  of 
powers  not  granted  to  it,  to  th(i  overthrow  of  the  essen- 
tial riohts  of  each  State,  and  to  a  total  chaniic  in  the 
character  and   operative   etf'ects   of  government  on   the 




tonfe«lerati<)!i.  This  unt'.\peet4^Hl  nsiilt  truds  lo  provo 
tliat  <,'ov«rninonts  aiv  not  pieces  of  nieeljanisni,  that  ean 
he  ordered  aii«l  ohtaine<l  acconliiiL,^  to  contract  with  speci- 
fications; hut  germinate,  grow,  and  perish,  like  other 
productions  of  nature;  and  tlmt  some  kinds  of  tliis  natu- 
ral pro<Uiction,  called  goveninient,  are  more  sliort-lived 
than  others. 

Tlje  power  of  le\ying  taxes,  and  of  ajipropiiating  the 
proceeds,  is  the  power  of  governing.  No  other  political 
right  or  comhination  of  rights,  can  long  resist  it.  The 
Federal  government,  in  order  to  fulfil  the  duties  for 
which  it  ^^a.s  create<l:  namedy,  to  raise  and  support 
armies;  to  pivjvide  and  maintain  a  navy;  to  estaMish 
and  maintain  courts  for  the  trial  of  cases  arising  out  of 
matters  placed  within  its  jurisdiction,  and  for  some  other 
duties  with  wliich  it  was  chartred — this  Federal  f'overn- 
ment  neeih^l  a  ixivenue  larcjer  than  the  united  revenues 
needed  hy  all  the  individual  States.  From  the  first 
existence  of  this  government  it  proceeded  to  raise  its 
I'e venue  chiefly  by  cUities  and  imjx)sts  on  imported 
foreign  goods,  an  in<lirect  mode  of  taxing  people,  at 
which  they  are  the  less  apt  to  grumble,  as  no  man  sees 
how  much  he  pays  of  this  in<liiect  tax.  Having  now 
occasion  to  employ  a  large  number  of  jwrsons  in  various 
otticial  capacities,  the  new  government  is  at  once  in  pos- 
.session  of  a  large  and  wide-spread  patronage,  whicli  the 
politicians  in  office  know  how  to,  and  to  increase  for 
their  own  pur[)Oses.  This  soon  gave  the  Federal  govern- 
ment an  influence  over  self-seeking  individuals,  of  every 
class,  vastly  greater  than  that  of  all  the  State  govern- 
ments: for  their  exjx'nditures  were  small  and  economical, 






i'  ;.. 

Il«  • 






aii'I  tlu'ir  pfitrona^'e  liiiiit«*«l  in  pn)fHjrtioii.  Tin;  States 
weiv  each  practically  uiuler  U^mi  to  use  economy  in 
i-aisinir  and  (lislnirsiiiLC  their  revenues ;  for  liij'h  taxes  in 
any  one  State  would  liave  dnven  lx>tli  f>opulati<jn  and 
capital  across  its  horders  into  the  neighlMjurin<^  states. 

A  large  region  of  country  is  seldom  or  perhaps  never 
homogeneous,  (.'limate,  geographic  features,  and  other 
causes  had  marked  out  certain  difft-rences  hetween  the 
Northern  and  the  Southern  States;  and  the  distinction 
in  character  hetween  them  grew  ujore  manifest  as  yeai*s 
rolled  on. 

From  the  first  planting  of  the  cohmies,  the  many  con- 
venient ports,  the  comparative  hanenness  of  the  soil,  and 
abundance  of  timber  in  New  England  and  the  adjacent 
regions,  directed  the  attention  of  the  colonists  there  to 
shipbuilding,  maritime  affair's  and  the  fisheries.  They 
also  carried  on  a  large  trade  in  j>eltiy  and  lundjcr. 
While  the  people  of  the  Nortliern  colonies  did  not  neg- 
lect to  avail  themselves  of  what  fc-rtile  soil  was  at  hand, 
they  early  actjuircd  the  hal'it^  and  characteristics  of  a 
trading,  seafaring,  and.  to  some  extent,  of  a  manufactur- 
ing people. 

But  the  climate  an«l  soil  of  the  more  S<»utln-rn  colonies 
Ijeing  found  to  be  peculiarly  a«lapted  to  the  production 
of  agricultural  staples  in  great  demand  in  commerce, 
these  colonies  became  almost  alt<Ji;ethei"  ajjriculturai 
communities ;  and  the  nature  of  tlieir  exports  led  to 
their  having  far  more  intercoui-se  with  the  mother  coun- 
trv  than  with  their  NortheiTt  nei<rhboui-s.  The  revolu- 
tion,  which  changed  them  from  colonies  into  States,  did 
not  change  their  interests  and  pursuits.     But  it  revolu- 



•  i- 

tioniz«'<l  their  political  connections.  Tlicir  Xortljeni 
confederates,  seeinif  tlieni  ir.  the  eniovnient  of  <'reat 
profits  fi'om  the  foreign  demand  for  their  pectdiar  pro- 
ducts, set  tlieir  wits  to  work  to  devise  the  means  of 
diverting  as  much  as  possible  of  the  proceeds  of  Southern 
crops  to  themselves  in  the  >«oith.  Their  ingenuity,  per- 
severance, artful  cond (illations,  aii<l  utter  want  of  scru- 
ple, made  them  successful  in  time,  and  for  a  long  time. 
Yet  the  Federal  government  conducted  its  aH'aiis  with 






.'conomy  lor  some 
duriii''  one  .sln^rt  war.  J)urinif  the  Presidencv  of  John 
Quincy  Adams,  for  instance  (from  liS2.")  to  J.S2!J)  the 
yearly  expenditure  of  the  government  little  exceeded 
$^1  :i,000,000  ;  vastly  more  indeed  than  that  of  all  tlie 
state-governments,  but  a  mere  trifle  compared  with  its 
own  expen<liture  of  late  years. 

Yet  long  l)efore  that  date,  the  tendency  to  ])ervert 
taxation  from  its  leiiitimate  ol>iect,  the  raisin<>-  of 
revenue  for  the  support  of  the  government,  to  the  fraud- 
ulent aim  of  making  })rofitahle  private  pursuits  in  par- 
ticular parts  of  the  confederacy,  was  plainly  manifest. 
Under  the  influence  of  the  people  of  the  Northern  and 
less  agricultural  states,  the  Federal  government  early 
laid  the  foundation  of  what  was  afterwanls  called  '  the 
turif  system  for  the  protection  of  American  industry ' 
that  is  of  their  ow  ii  occupations  and  enterprises  in  the 

Some  almses  in  taxation  and  finance  originate*!  almost 
at  the  birth  of  the  government.  The  people  of  New 
Entfland  have  lonu'  shown  i»Teat  talents  and  no  scruples 
in  taking  care  of  their  own    interests  at  other  people's 

♦  IV 












i!  ' 

I 'I 


TIIK    lNlTi:r)   STATKS 


cost;  an<l  tlir  inlial»itaiits  of  the  New  Eiii^liind  coast, 
liein;;'  niueli  occupied  in  tlie  fisheries  of  tlie  North 
Athuitic,  tliey  lia<l  tlie  art  to  persuade  the  Fi'deral  jli^ov- 
ernnient  tliat  tliese  fisheries  were  very  important  to  tlio 
whole  country,  not  merely  in  supplyin*,'  it  with  salted 
fish,  hut  as  a  nursery  for  seamen;  without  whom  the 
confederati<jn  could  never  hecome  a  j^reat  naval  power. 
The  government  was  induced  to  s^nve  a  hounty  of  so 
much  per  ton  on  all  the  vessels  fitted  out  for  the  fish- 
eries. Fur  fiftv  years  or  so.  every  man  in  the  United 
States  was  taxed  to  pay  part  of  the  price  of  his  salted 
fish  l)efore  it  was  caught,  and  whether  he  wanted  it  or 
not,  in  order  to  pay  this  hounty  to  the  New  England 
fishini'  craft,  manv  of  which  were  fitted  out  to  catch, 
not  so  much  the  fish,  as  the  hountv. 

But  this  was  not  the  usual  mode  in  which  the  Federal 
government  undertook  to  make  profitahle  the  occupa- 
tions and  enterprises  of  particular  classes  of  the  people, 
and  of  particular  parts  of  the  country,  at  the  cost  of 

The  industry  of  the  Southern  States  was  directed, 
perhaps  IjeyomI  even  tlie  growing  of  the  food  needed  at 
home,  to  the  cultivation  of  certain  crops  wdiich  found 
their  chief  and  hest  markets  in  foreign  countries.  The 
most  profiLahle  use  to  which  the  Soutliern  agriculturist 
could  apply  his  land,  labour,  and  skill,  was  growing 
these  crops  in  such  demand  abroad.  In  payment  for 
these  crops  exported,  a  great  amount  of  foreign  goods 
came  into  the  country;  for  the  commodities  sent  out  of 
the  country  must  be  j>aid  for  b}"  those  that  are  brought 
into  it.     They  cannot  be   paid  for  in  any  other  w^ay. 

f ' 




('onmuTce  is  liascd  npoii  Ur-  ixclian^c  of  coiimKulltics; 
iiioncy  is  only  tlie  lucaiis  of  facilitatiiiLf,  and  measuring 
tlie  rate  of  tliat  exchanL,'*',  From  tliese  remarks  may  be 
estimated  the  interest  the  people  of  tlie  Soutli  liad  in 
forei«Mi  trade.  So  far  as  f(Hei<''n  comm<j<litios  came  into 
tlie  country  to  pay  for  southern  crops,  these  C(jmmodities, 
or  tlie  pi-oceeds  of  them  when  soM,  hehmged  to  southern 
nien.  Tlie  Soutl>ern  farmer  and  tlie  foreign  manufac- 
turer drove,  through  intermediate  agents,  a  profitable 
trade  with  each  other,  in  exchanging  the  proceeds  of 
their  imbistry  and  capital.  What  a  man  has  honestly 
obtained  he  has  a  right  to  exchange  with  any  other  man 
for  his  honest  acquisitions. 

The  productions  of  the  Northern  States  wxtc  very  far 
from  being  in  e(pial  demand  abroad.  But  many  people 
in  the  North  bethought  them  that  if  they  could  shut  out 
the  rivalry  of  the  foreign  manufacturer  they  might  l)uild 
up  a  profitable  Inisiness  for  themselves  ;  that  although 
nature  might  have  given  to  particular  countries  greater 
facilitic's  for  the  production  oi  certain  commodities, 
than  it  has  given  to  their  own,  that  advantage  enjoyed 
by  foreigners  might  be  more  than  counter-1  alanced  by 
obstructing  the  importation  of  their  products.  The 
government  was  raisin!>-  nine-tenths  of  the  revenue 
necessary  for  its  support  by  duties  on  imported  goods. 
Some  enterprising  Northern  men  had  the  art  to  induce 
it  to  go  further,  and  to  impose  so  liigh  a  duty  on  some 
particular  articles,  that  it  became  cheaper  to  manufacture 
them  at  home,  than  to  impt)rt  them  from  abroad.  The 
first  articles  so  taxed  were  w'ell  chosen  as  the  be^iinning 
of   this    system    of    government    protection ;    for    the 






Tfll-;    IINITKI)   STATES 





iiuitciials  wore  piodiUHMl  in  the  eoiuitrv  in  al>nrnlaiice. 
A  duty  of  .'JO  per  cent,  (nl  luilorcm  whs  imposed  on  all 
iiiii)orted  liats  and  shoes,  and  soon  none  hut  Yani\eo 
made  liats  could  lie  houglit ;  hut  a  <;i)od  hat  cost  nine  or 
ten  dolhirs,  and  shoes  and  hoots  rose  in  jjroportion.  'J'h*' 
l)e(^ple  of  the  Northern  states  soon  found  out  that  there 
were  a  nuniher  of  other  aitiides  wldeh  tlu-y  couhl  make 
to  great  profit,  if  tlie  government  would  only  shut  out 
the  cheaper  and  hetter  ft)reign  articles,  hy  laying  a 
heavy  duty  on  them.  Thus  the  mamifactiu'e  of  silken 
goods  has  heen  forced  into  a  sort  of  hot  house  (existence 
in  the  United  States,  wlwie  no  silk  is  produced,  l)y 
laying  a  duty  of  (iO  per  cent  on  foreign  silks.  For  the 
Northern  States  having  a  majority  of  votes  in  the 
Congress  of  the  United  Stales,  and  their  pe()})h;  heing 
nearly  all  of  them  eager  to  i.'ud)ark  in  some  manufactur- 
ing speculation,  well  jjrotected  hy  high  duties  against 
foreign  competition,  it  givulually  came  to  pass  that 
there  w^ere  few  articles  that  could  he  maile  in  the  coun- 
try at  any  cost  hut  that  a  high  impost  was  laid  on  the 
similar  foreign  articles,  which  Avould  have  undersohl 
them  in  the  same  market. 

The  ohject  of  this  system  of  imposts  was  to  compel  the 
agriculturists,  and  more  especially  those  in  the  South,  to 
huv  from  Northern  manufacturers,  hy  discourau"in<x,  and 
even  preventing  the  importati(;n  of  foreign  goods.  And 
it  was  in  a  great  measure  successful,  hut  is  no  longer 
profitahle.  Jt  huilt  up  a  vast  manufacturing  interest  in 
the  Nortli,  not  one-fourth  of  which  would  have  tome 
into  existence  in  the  face  of  foieign  competition,  and 
wliich  now  even  protection  fails  to  make  prosperous.     It 




(Iruint'il  tlie  South  of  its  wealth  in  two  ways:  It  coin- 
jK'lIod  tlie  Southt'iJi  iiian  to  pay  far  juore  for  every  inan- 
iifactured  article  than  the  natural  price  in  the  cheaper 
and  hutter  market;  and  it  lowered  the  price  of  Southern 
produce  by  inipairini^  the  forei^nier's  means  of  ]tayin;^ 
for  it.  It  can  he  shown  tliat  when  the  duties  on  foroi'm 
jL^oofls  were  raised,  the  price  of  Soutliern  produce  fell, 
and  that  when  these  duties  were  lowered  the  price  of 
Soutliern  produce  rose.  Tlie  Southern  man  was  placed 
in  tins  dilemma:    If  he  su}>plied   his  ^^ants  hy  huyin;^' 


oreiLin   <foo( 

Is.   tl 



was   rais( 

d   1 

)V   an   ex  or 



(hity  paid  to  the  ^'overnment.     If   he  Ijoui^lit  Northern 

)ds  li 



I  exorbitant  price 
The  <j;;overnment  by  its  fiscal  legislation  aimed  at  coiu- 
pellinir  tlie  South  to  purchase  the  products  of  the  North 
at  a  hi^di  price,  and  to  sell  to  the  North  the  products  ol' 
its  industry  at  a  low  price.  It  made  the  South  tributary 
to  the  North. 

Nothing  could  exceed  Yankee  greediness  to  appropri- 
ate the  proceeds  of  the  industry  of  other  people,  liut 
for  that  clause  in  the  constitution  declaring  that  "  No 
tax  or  duty  shall  be  laid  on  acticles  exported  from  any 
State"  the  manufacturers  would  have  procured  a  duty 
to  be  laid  on  all  raw  cotton  exported,  in  order  that  tlie 
crop  of  the  Soutli  should  not  be  sold  to  foieigners  until 
it  had  gone  through  the  processes  of  manufacture  in  the 
Northern  cotton  factories. 

lias  the  reader  (iver  considered  what  is  tlie  origin  and 
true  nature  of  that  offence  which  is  called  smuggling? 
Stealing,  and  robbery,  and  the  destruction  of  your  neigh- 
bour's proj^erty,  and    a    multitude    of   other   acts,  are 






••u  1 


i  i 



V      M 

V    ■ 


1             , 


*        1 

f  1        ': 

Mi  ^ 

, ,   It.  ■ 

■       -I    „ 



criiiR'is  in  tlicir  very  nature,  and  Avere  criminal  before 
any  liuuian  law  ni^lertook  to  pnnisli  them. 

jjut  there  is  in  nature  no  sucli  otfence  as  snuiLftilinrj. 
An  important  ingredient  in  your  natui'al  liberty  is  the 
right  to  cany  tlu;  proceeds  of  your  industry,  or  any  part 
of  your  portable  property,  to  the  best  market  you  can 
find  for  it;  and,  when  you  liave  exchanged  it  for  other 
commodities,  you  have  naturally  an  e(|ual  right  to  carry 
your  new  ac([uisitions  home  Avith  you.  They  arc  as 
much  yours  as  tluit  was,  which  you  gave  for  them- 
These  are  the  natural  and  justifiable  acts  out  of  which 
governments  have  manufactured  the  oftence  of 
smuggling.  They  create  the  crime  by  legislation;  they 
provide  for  its  punishment  ])y  further  legislation. 

The  United  States  aft'ords  a  striking  example  of  these 
abuses.  The  people  of  the  NorUiern  States,  having  a 
majority  of  the  votes  in  (Jongress,  they  had,  when  united 
among  themselves,  the  control  of  the  government,  and 
sought  to  use  it  to  their  exclusive  profit.  In  raising  a 
leveinie  for  the  government,  they,  by  the  ingenious 
arrangements  of  their  tariti'  acts,  threw  the  burden  of 
taxation  on  the  South,  In  expending  that  levenue  they 
bestowed  a  benefit  on  the  North.  They  lowered  the 
value  of  Southern  produce  by  impairing  tlie  foreigner  s 
means  of  paying  for  it;  and  they  raised  the  price  of 
Northern  manufactures  by  shutting  out  the  competition 
of  foreign  goods.  They  used  the  whole  machinery  of 
government  as  if  it  had  been  designed  for  impoverishing 
the  South  and  enriching  the  North. 

This  method  of  i>lundering  the  South  met  with  eai'ii- 
est  protest  and  strenuous  opposition  from  that  (piarter; 


and  tlie  tarifis  for  revenue  and  protection  underwent 
many  iiuctuations.  Tlie  fact  is,  that  there  is  an  essen- 
tial incouipati))ility  between  tlie  two  ol)jects  of  revenue 
and  protection.  Just  so  far  as  a  duty  protects  lioine 
manufactures,  it  fails  to  yield  any  revenue;  for  it  keeps 
out  foreitni  i>'oods:  and  just  so  far  as  a  dutv  vields  a 
revenue  from  foreign  goods  imported,  it  fails  to  arioid 
protection  to  the  homo  manufacturer.  There  were  many 
people  at  the  North,  to  whom  the  raising  of  a  large 
revenue  by  the  <rovernment  was  of  vital  interest,  for 
they  protited  by  its  expenditures.  They  were  opposed 
to  duties  so  hi<di  as  to  cut  otf  revenue  from  the  ijfovern- 
ment,  while  affording  protecticm  to  the  manufacturer,  by 
shutting  out  the  goods  of  his  foreign  competitor.  The  re- 
presentatives of  the  Southern  States,  by  combining  with 
this  class  of  plunderers,  were  more  than  once  enable<l  to 
foil  the  measures  of  j;hat  worse  class  of  plundi'rers,  who 
advocated  j)rotective  duties  .so  high  as  to  shut  out 
forei<{n  ifoods. 

On  one  occasion,  about  1840,  the  government  raised  so 
nuich  more  revenue  by  its  tariff' than  it  could  find  imme- 
diate  use  for,  that  it  distributed  several  millions  amonir 
the  States,  in  order  to  get  rid  of  it — thus  bribing  them 
with  their  own  money.  They  never  repeated  this  error, 
but  invented  new  ways  of  expending  any  sui'plus.  The 
natural  remedy,  in  this  anomalous  case,  would  have  been 
to  reduce  the  taxes;  for  it  proved  that  more  money  had 
been  taken  from  the  people,  or  fi'om  some  of  them,  than 
was  necessary  for  support  of  the  government.  But  this 
did  not  suit  the  Northern  majoi'itv  who  iroveined  the 
country   and    plundered    the    South.     To  them  taxation 


'  a 

1  • 



•••f  114 




.*  1-  'i- 






i  -> 





l  i' 

was  a  Itlcssing.  Tlie  gi'catcr  the  revenue  raised,  the 
rrioie  Avas  spent  among  themselves;  for  tliey  took  good 
care  tliat  as  little  as  possible  of  government  money 
should  be  expended  in  the  South.  The  North  measured 
the  value  of  the  Union  b"""  the  amount  of  tribute  it 
could  draw  from  the  South,  in  revenue  paid  to  the 
governnient,  and  in  the  profits  of  the  Northern  manufac- 
turers while  protected  from  foreign  competition.  The 
South  was  learning  to  doubt  the  value  of  a  Union,  that 
subjected  it  to  such  a  continual  drain  on  the  proceeds  of 
their  property  and  industry,  mei'ely  in  order  to  fill  tlie 
pockets  of  their  confederates.  In  1859  the  revenue 
of  the  United  States  exceeded  $80,000,000,  nineteen 
twentieths  of  which  was  raised  by  duties  on  foreign 
goods ;  and  far  the  greater  part  of  this,  through  the  pe- 
culiar arrangements  of  the  tariif,  was  paid  by  the  South ; 
which  also  paid  much  more  than  $(S(),000,000  in  excess 
of  tlie  natural  price,  on  the  goods  bought  from  Northern 
manufacturers,  who  were  protected  from  foreign  rivalry, 
Northern  industry  and  enterprise  were  made  profitable 
by  draining  off  the  profits  of  the  industry  and  enteriDrise 
of  the  South. 

The  North  throve.  Of  S80,000,000  of  yearly  govern- 
ment revenue  raised  chiefly  on  the  South,  four  fifths  was 
expended  in  the  North.  Of  more  than  $80,000,000  per- 
haps double  that  amount,  of  artificially  contrived  yearly 
profits  to  protecte<l  Northern  manufacturers,  the  whole 
was  expended  in  the  North.  From  the  cheapened  price 
of  Southern  produce,  artificially  lowered  by  the  protec- 
tive taritt*  which  obstructed  foreign  tiade,  a  saving  of 
S()0,000,000,  perhaps  $80,000,000,  accrued  to  the  North. 




X\i  unknown  amount,  certainly  i?2,000,000,000,  borrowed 
in  Europe,  to  be  invested  in  American  rail-roads,  canals, 
manufacturing  and  mining  corporations,  city  improve- 
ments, an<l  a  tliousand  other  enterprises,  Howed  in  a  few 
yeai*s  into  the  country,  and  almost  exclusively  into  the 
Xorthem  States.  What  country  will  not  thiive,  or  seem 
to  thrive,  as  long  as  several  hundred  millions  of  dollars 
more  than  its  people  earn,  are  annually  ]  oured  into  its 
lap?  More  especially  if  it  can,  after  a  time,  stop  paying 
even  the  interest  of  a  great  part  of  its  borrowings  ? 

The  object  of  the  'American  System  for  the  protection 
uf  industry'  was  simply  to  make  the  people  of  the 
Southern  States,  as  far  as  possible,  the  tax  payei-s,  those 
•.>f  the  Northern  States  the  receivers  and  enjoy ers  of  the 
proceeds  of  taxation.  This  system  of  taxation  was  intro- 
duce«l  early  and  gradually,  under  many  cunning  pleas 
and  devices,  at  a  time  when  the  true  principles  of  politi- 
cal economy  were  little  understood  even  by  the  best 
informed  men  of  the  country.  But  it  wo.-,  firmly  estab- 
lished and  openly  avowed  as  soon  as  the  pet)ple  of  the 
Northern  States,  by  their  numerical  superiority,  had 
acquired  the  control  of  the  government  created  by  the 
'States  for  the  maintenance  of  the  rights  of  all  the  States 
on  a  footing  of  jwrfect  equality.  For  foitv  years  pre- 
vious to  the  war  of  Scces,si(m  the  aim  and  the  effect  of 
the  policy  of  this  common  federal  government,  under 
the  control  of  the  North  majorit}',  was  to  convert  the 
Southern  States  into  tributary  provinces. 

Of  coui"se  this  policy  was  bitterly  denounced  and 
stienuously  opposed  by  the  representatives  in  Congress 
from  the  South,  and  V)y  the  governments  of  most  of  the 










H'  fl'i 

it  B' 

•  (il! 


il  ! 



Li  1 

"if » 


•!,l     - 

i    ,, 


Mi  1  : 

Hi     I 


♦  !■ 




Southern  States.  Persistence  in  it  seemed  at  times  to 
threaten  the  continuance  of  the  Union.  But  wlien 
the  indignation  in  the  South  rose  to  a  <langerous  point, 
the  politicians  of  the  North  combining  with  some  from 
the  South,  had  the  art  to  make  some  temporaiy  C(jmpro- 
mise,  such  as  a  reduction  an<l  modification  of  the  tariff*, 
which  allayed  the  excitement. 

The  ti'uth  is  that  indirect  taxation  and  its  effects  are 
sucli  hidden  an<l  insidious  things,  that  the}'  are  not 
readily  traced  at  a  glance.  It  is  impossible  to  make  the 
great  body  of  the  j)eople  of  any  country  see  and  under- 
stand the  ultimate  effects  of  any  chain  of  causes  made 
up  of  many  links.  You  can  swindle  and  plunder  them 
to  any  extent,  so  that  you  do  it  indirectly,  adroitly,  and 
under  plausible  excuses'.  Only  the  most  intelligent 
classes  of  the  people  in  the  South  could  be  made  to  un- 
derstand fully,  how  thoroughly  and  to  what  extent  the*y 
were  robbed  by  their  sworn  confederates. 




Ml ! : 

»■''  ;    I 


,ii;  I 

!  i  i!ii  ;  i 



Sii , 



■* . 


The  Negro  Question. 

Tliere  was  however  anotlur  matter  than  taxation, 
tariffs,  and  tlie  protection  of  industry,  in  nied<Uin*if  with 
wliich  tliese  Nortliern  uienihers  of  tlie  Federal  Union 
could  not  conceal  their  hostility  to  the  South,  and  their 
utt(M-  want  of  faith  in  dealini,'  with  the  treaty  which 
hound  tlie  States  to  each  other,  An«l  tliis  leads  us  to  a 
topic  whicli  mii^ht  fill  many  pa<,^es. 

A  shallow  philosophy  prevailed  in  the  last  century, 
and  is  not  (piite  exploded  in  this,  winch  taught  that  civil- 
ization and  barbarism,  culture  and  ignorance,  made  all 
the  difference  between  peoples;  that  the  characteristics 
distinguishing  different  families,  tribes,  nations,  and  races 
of  men  originated  solely  in  the  conditions  under  which 
they  had  lived.  They  may  have  so  originated  ;  but  in 
times  so  remote,  and  under  the  influence  of  causes  so 
powerful,  and  operating  so  long,  that  the  effects  have 
moulded  the  physical  and  mental  constitutions  of  differ- 
ent races  ;  and  to  us  these  differences  are,  practically, 

He  who  travels  over  the  earth  will  find  very  different 
races  of  men  distributed  over  its  surface  ;  and  he  who 
travels  over  the  records  of  the  past  will  find  that  very 
different  characteristics  and  careers  have  distinguished 
these  races  from  each  other.     Some  have  carried  their 









ii  *.' 






'  I 



i  <  t 



i'  I 










(•111,    J 

i •.   i 


I  ; 



social  and  political  organization,  and  their  intfllectual 
attainments  to  very  liigh  points,  yet  always  with  some 
marked  shades  of  difference  from  those  who  rivalled 
them.  Others  have  attained  only  to  a  lower  grade  of 
cultivation.  Many  races  have  never  originate*!  a  civil- 
* M.  ',  '  of  their  own,  and  with  difficulty  received  and  re- 
tained that  communicated  to,  or  forced  upon  them  by 
others.  Some  have  rapidly  perished  before  the  civiliza- 
tion thrust  upon  them.  The  natives  of  some  of  the 
ish  'r'^  '.  tbe  Pacific  ocean,  and  particularly  the  Maoris 
of  ^e' ,  7  'h.iid  seem  to  be  of  this  class.  The  North 
American  lii-'i-in.  unless  you  include  the  Mexican,  is  not 
likely    c  .vurvi\  an  unmixed  race.     And  there  are  in- 

dications Isi  hj.-t  '-^  f  r,;'  mixed  races  do  not  piosper,  and 
in  some  cases  are  apt  to  die  out. 

In  short  the  ascertained  facts  in  the  history  of  man- 
kind indicate,  not  that  Institutions  originate  races,  but 
that  Races  originate  institutions. 

We  know  nothing  of  the  origin  or  causes  of  these 
differences  of  race ;  although  many  persons  have  lal)Our- 
ed  to  trace  them  out.  Some  naturalists  have  gone  so 
far  in  their  speculations  as  to  trace  the  origin  of  one 
class  of  beings  of  the  hitdiost  organization  to  their  de- 
velopment  from  othei-s  of  inferior  types.  We  do  not  ob- 
ject to  their  amusing  themselves  and  other  people  with 
these  inquiries.  But  we  must  deal  with  facts  better  es- 
tablished, and  generally  admitted  to  be  true. 

We  believe  that  authentic  history  affords  no  proofs 
that  any  human  race  or  tribe,  while  continuing  to  occupy 
the  same  country,  ever  changed  those  physical  and 
mental  characteristics   which  distinguished   them  from 

1  and 



other  races,  except  so  far  as  they  changed  their  races  by 
mingling  their  blood  with  that  of  strangers  to  it.  Nor  is 
there  distinct  evidence  of  such  changes  occurring  even 
when  such  a  race  or  tribe  changed  its  country.  From 
change  of  condition  they  may  deteriorate,  improve,  or 
die  out;  but  we  have  no  proof  that  the  characteristic 
marks,  indicating  the  race  from  which  they  sprung,  will 
not  cling  to  them  to  the  last.  We  have  the  instance  of 
one  race,  at  least,  the  Jews,  and  probably  another,  the 
gipsies,  to  substantiate  this  supposition  ;  for  both  liave 
kept  themselves  pretty  much  apart  from  mixture  with 
other  races ;  and  we  have  no  instance  of  an  unmixed 
race  to  prove  to  the  contrary. 

If  we  could  brinof  back  to  life  a  dozen  Antjlo-Saxon 
boys  seven  years  of  age,  drowned  or  otherwise  cut  off  in 
health  in  the  days  of  King  Alfred;  could  we  further  send 
them  to  a  school  in  the  most  Anglo-Saxon  county  in 
England  ;  if  at  the  en«l  of  seven  years  or  any  longer 
period  Me.ssrs.  Darwin,  Huxley,  and  Tyndall  were  sent 
to  examine  them  in  mind  and  body,  we  have  no  rn'ounds 
for  supposing  that  this  choice  committee  could  distin- 
guish them  among  their  companions,  through  any  marks 
of  change  in  the  race  during  the  thousand  years  which 
separate  the  births  of  King  Alfred's  boys  from  the  others. 

Geological  research  aftbrds  proof  of  the  existence  of 
different  human  races  many  thousand  years  ago.  li  af- 
fords proof  that  some  human  races  have,  in  particular 
regions,  been  supplanted  by  others.  But  it  affords  no 
indication  that  one  race  has  been  chanijed  into  another. 
The  supplanted  race  was  partly  extirpated,  partly 
driven  out  of  that  region,  but  it  was  neither  a  chanued 







.  <^\ 


•  ■fa'l 







■  |i 




1;  rh 

III '  I 
I't  I 


r.'i  !'■' » 


;  1;    t  '  ■ 






itil  1 1 1 



nor  a  lost  typ<5  of  hmnanity,  for  we  fin«l  its  rcpresciit- 
ativen  living  elsewhere  at  this  day;  and,  on  i'nrther 
research,  tliat  higher  type  of  man,  into  whieh  the  sup- 
planted race  Was  supposed  to  havi*  fieen  improved,  is 
now  proved  to  have  been  in  existence  thousands  of 
years  l>efore  tlie  supplanting  of  the  other  race.  The 
geologist  of  the  far  future,  when  tlie  North  American 
tribes  shall  have  utterlv  died  out.  on  findini;  the  skelettin 
of  the  red  man  in  one  stratum,  and  that  of  the  white 
ni;in  in  another  stratinii  overl\'ing  the  former,  will  not 
make  the  blunder  of  inferiing  that  tlie  red  race  had 
been   developed   into  the  Teuton  or  tlie  Celt. 

x\  multitude  of  facts  well  known  to  us  show  that  the 
marks  which  di<tinL;uish  human  races  are  very  «lurable; 
and  no  facts  known  to  us  indicate  that  tliey  may  not  l>e, 
in  liistorical  experience,  permanent.  It  is  particularly 
•  lithcult  to  exclude,  in  such  inquiiies,  the  effects  ol"  mix- 
ture of  Idood  :  but  some  facts  indicate?  that  the  offspring 
from  two  verv  different  races  of  men  tend  stvonglv  to  <lie 
out,  from  nn^ral  as  well  as  physical 

It  would  seem  Uy  us,  were  we  to  hazard  an  opinion  on 
the  matter,  that  it  wouhl  \w  better  that  each  country 
shouM  be  occupied  by  people  of  one  race,  to  the  exclu- 
sion of  others,  and  that  this  race  should  V»e  the  one  best 
suited  to  the  climate.  Wherever  a  countiy  is  peopled 
by  one  of  the  higher  races,  we  would  suppose  it  highly 
injurious,  and  ultimately  deteriorating  to  them,  to  intro- 
duce an  inferior  race  among  them.  But  the  existence  of 
different  races  in  the  same  country  occurs  so  oft^n,  that 
this  would  almost  seem  to  be  the  order  of  nature.     After 



these  prt'liininary  remarks  wv  will  cuter  more  eloselv  on 
the  subject  on  lumd. 

'  Tlie  para<lise  of  veg;etation.  a  ricli  soil  with  a  liot  cli- 
mate, is  tlie  grave  of  human  life.'  It  is  certainly  so  to 
the  (.'aucasian  race.  Whenever  detachments  of  this  race 
have  penetrated  into  tropical,  or  even  sul)-tro})ical  re- 
gions, as  they  often  do,  they  have  found  themselves  in 
climates  unfavourable  to  their  health,  and  to  the  full 
exercise  of  their  native  energies.  Nowhere  in  the  old  or 
new  world,  nearer  to  tl  e  Equator  than  latitude  'i."),  can 
any  considerable  population  of  the  Caucasian  race  be 
found,  which  can  undergo  field  work  and  other  oiit  of 
door  labours,  equal  to  those  of  the  peasantry  in  Enghmd. 
France,  and  Germany.  Under  such  habitual  exertions 
and  exposure  they  wouhl  die  out  in  a  generation  or  two. 
Jf  there  are  any  exceptions  to  this,  which  we  doubt,  they 
will  be  found  in  mountain  reuions,  where  hiiili  elevation 
counteracts  low  latitude,  and  on  a  poor  soil,  yieMing 
little  produce,  and  no  malaiia  from  sununer  heats.  But 
the  (Caucasian,  venturing  into  oi-  near  the  tropics,  has 
generally  found  himself  surrounded  by  a  })oi)ulation  of  a 
<litt*erent  race  from  himself,  with  a  physical  constitution 
far  better  adapted  to  the  climate  in  which  the  two  races 
now  meet.  Yet  under  this  disadvantage,  he  has  seldom 
failed  so  to  use  his  superiority  in  intellect,  knowledge, 
and  warlike  (pialities,  as  not  to  avail  himself  of  the  har- 
dihood and  industry  of  the  inferior  races  around  him, 
establishing  in  his  new  country  a  polity,  of  which  he 
made  himself  the  head.  If  the  subordinate  population 
was  of  a  race  given  to  provident  industry,  they  became 
•subjects  merely ;  but  if  constitutionally  given  to  listless 







,    t 

•  •• 







■|t  fc.r 

■  t         :  ■ 

■  I::: 

Pi.  • 

and  improvident  indolence,  he  made  them  liis  slavo.s, 
and  supplied  their  want  of  provident  and  energetic  will 
from  his  own  stock  of  both  of  these  qualities. 

The  Spaniards,  a  branch  of  this  Caucasian  stock,  were 
the  earliest  European  colonists  in  America.  They,  too, 
were  the  most  rapi«l  conquerors  there.  The  gold  they 
found  in  the  hands  of  the  natives  of  San  Domingo  and 
Mexico  excited  their  cupidity  to  the  highest  pitch. 
Their  greed  after  the  precious  metals  soon  exhausted 
the  su])ply  which  could  be  wrested  from  the  con([uered 
people.  Then  mining  for  that  yet  in  the  bowels  of  the 
earth  became  the  most  engrossing  pursuit  of  the  colo- 
nists. Tliia  demanded  irksome  and  exhausting  labour, 
fatal  to  the  w^hites  in  this  climate ;  and  that  labour  was 
exacted  from  the  natives,  many  of  whom  the  conquerors 
made  their  slaves. 

The  effects  of  this  change  in  their  condition  was  soon 
seen  in  the  island  of  San  Domingo.  The  natives  there 
were  a  delicate  people,  and  Las  Casas,  the  noted  Spanish 
priest,  was  shocked  on  witnessing  thedr  sufferings.  He 
saw  that  they  were  dying  out  under  the  toils  and  priva- 
tions imposed  upon  them  by  their  conquerors  who,  turn- 
inor  miners  and  gold  hunters,  became  the  hardest  of  task- 
masters.  In  fact  no  representative  of  this  conquered 
people  has  been  living  wuthin  two  centuries.  Las  Casas, 
a  man  of  rank  and  influence,  returning  to  Spain,  made 
strenuous  eflbrts  at  court  for  the  relief  of  the  Indians 
from  the  slavery  and  toils  which  were  exterminating 
the  race.  The  better  to  effect  this^  he  urged  that  negroes 
should  be  sent  out  to  relieve  the  Indians  from  the  labours 
HO  fatal  to  them.     Other  priests  in  New  Spain  urged  the 




same  ineasuiT.  Hut  J^as  Casas  is  sai<l  to  liavi'  rc'«,Mt'tte(J, 
lator  in  life,  tlie  j)art  he  took  in  tliis  matter. 

Modern  philanthropists  ridieule  as  well  as  den :)UiieL' 
the  blundering  zeal  of  Las  (.Visas  in  the  eause  of  human- 
ity. It  could  devise  no  better  mode  of  relievini^  one  op- 
pressed race  than  the  transfer  of  their  burden  to  the 
shoulders  of  another.  But  the  views  and  conduct  of  this 
►Spanish  priest  were  not  quite  so  absurd  as  they  imaj^dne 
them  to  be.  He  looke  I  U})on  it  not  so  much  as  an  en- 
slaving of  the  neirro,  as  a  chanfjinj;  (;f  his  master.  He 
may  well  have  learned  from  the  Portuguese  settlements 
on  the  coast  of  Africa,  that  the  greater  part  of  the  ne- 
groes were,  perhaps  always  had  been,  slaves  to  men  of 
their  own  colour.  He  certainly  knew  that  many  of  them 
wei'e  slaves  among  the  Moors  on  the  coast  just  opposite 
to  Spain.  He  even  had  opportuniti(!s  of  making  himself 
familiar  with  negroes  and  negro  slaverv  in  the  South  of 
Spain  and  Portugal.  Both  the  race  and  their  condition 
were  open  to  oljsei'vation.  He  saw  the  negro  usually 
cheerful,  often  noisily  so,  seemingly  content  in  servitude 
if  not  unusually  harsh  and  exacting;  readily  admitting 
the  white  man's  superiority,  and  by  no  means  broken 
down  by  the  condition  in  which  he  and  most  of  his  race 
were  born,  lived,  and  died;  and  Las  Casas  may  naturally 
have  contrasted  the  different  effects  of  servitude  on  the 
negro  and  on  the  Indian  of  San  Domingo.  But  he  lived 
long  enough  to  see  that  the  labour  of  the  negro  would 
fad  to  preserve  the  indian  race. 

The  Spaniards  introduced  negro  slaves  into  all  their 
American  co  onies,  in  w^hich  they  could  make  them  use- 
ful. The  Portuguese  followed,  if  indeed  they  had  not 

.•<L     ' 








1  .'I; 

sot  this  oxamplo  in  Brazil  and  elsewhere.  A  century  or 
so  later  the  Englisli  had  founded  colonies  in  Anieriea, 
and  entere<l  zealously  into  the  African  slave  trade  under 
the  special  license  and  patronage  of  the  government. 
Negro  slaves  were  brought  into  and  held  in  all  tlie 
lish  colonies  on  the  Atlantic  coast,  and  this  continued 
long  after  these  colonies  became  states. 

The  African  slave  ti'ade  became  a  source  of  so  much 
protit  to  the  English  merchants  and  shi[)-o\vners,  that 
when  so;r.e  of  the  colonies  Avished  to  limit  it,  on  account 
of  the  su[)po.sed  danger  in  introducing  such  a  crowd  of 
savages  into  new  settlements,  with  another  and  hostile 
i-ace  of  savages  close  on  tlieir  l)orders,  the  government  in 
Enuland  overruled  the  objections  of  the  colonial  author- 
ities,  and  kept  the  ports  freely  open  to  the  importa  "  »n. 
This  trade  was  a  source  of  great  protit  to  some  Ei  h 
cities,  as  Bristol  and  others.  The  commercial  growth  of 
Liverpo(jl,  we  have  heard,  originated  with  it;  and  Glascow 
shared  in  its  gains. 

But  it  was  nowhere  more  zealously,  profitably  and 
longer  followed  up  than  by  the  merchanis  and  ship- 
owners of  the  New  England  ports.  Even  puritan  di- 
vines in  New  England,  among  them  the  famous  Jon- 
athan Edwards,  are  said  to  have  embarked  their  money 
in  this  trade.  And  Avhen  at  length  in  accordance  with 
an  article,  agreed  upon  by  the  States,  and  inserted  in 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  ports  were 
abouu  to  be  closed  to  the  African  slave  trade  in  1808, 
a  great  temporary  impulse  was  given  to  the  importa- 
tion of  negroes.  Virginia  had  already  closed  her  ports 
to  this  trade.     We  ca:i  only  quote  the  following  pub- 





lisliod  stat  ment  from  incniorv.  Clarli  stoii,  Sontli 
Carolina,  bein^'  the  most  c  invenient  jiort  tlir()Ui;li  wliich 
could  ])c  supplied  the  L;re  it  dom  md  for  negroes  in 
the  newly  settled  ti  nitories  in  tlu^  South-west;  out  of 
more  than  two  hundn-d  slave-shii's  that  entered  that  port 
in  lS0G-7,far  the  great  r  numher,  prohihly  three-fourths, 
hailed  from  Newport,  Boston,  Salem,  and  other  New 
England  towns. 

Negro  slaves  imported  from  Atiica,  an  1  their  ofi'spring 
horn  i;i  America,  c  <ntinued  to  be  soM,  bought  and  htdd 
in  almost  ever}-  State  that  had  l)eenone  of  those  colonies. 
But  climate  and  th  »  phy  ical  (onstitution  oF  the  negi-o 
were  yet  to  settle  h's  destination  and  hah'ih'f,  when  thus 
t  a  sferred  from  Africa  to  anoth  r  i  ontinent. 

The  Spaniards  in  their  greedy  search  after  gold  tried 
and  failed  to  make  useful  slaves  of  the  nativ'es  of  San 
Dondngo.  The  Puritms  of  N'w  England,  besides  import- 
ing negroes  from  Afi'ica,  added  to  their  chattels  by  kid- 
napping young  Indians,  and  making  slaves  of  them. 
But  !  hey  found  them  not  easily  trained  to  1  ibour,  and 
hard  to  keep,  being  much  given  to  running  away.  We 
have  seen  somewhere  this  doggerel  dating,  it  is  likely> 
from  tho:;e  times:— 

John  IJrowii  liaJ  two  little  iudian  boys. 
One  rfin  away,  and  the  other  would  not  stay, 
So  John  Brown  lost  his  little  Indian  hoys. 

But  these  speculations  in  young  Indians  usually  en<led 
more  successfully  in  their  being  shipped  to  the  West 
Indies,  to  be  made  useful  slaves  of  there,  if  that  could 
be  done. 

There  are  marked  differences  of  character,  and  points 



■   \ 










fill  lit! 

„,    r'  '•"I  i' 


I  I" 





of  contrast  bc!twe(3n  the  North  American  Indian  and  the 
negro  race.  The  indian, grave,  somewhat  silent,  undemon- 
strative in  manner,  and  reserved  in  temper,  shuns  pro- 
miscuous intercourse,  is  prone  to  a  wild  and  free  life;  he 
does  not  readily  acknowledge  another's  superiority,  and 
pi;:ed  and  died  out  when  reluced  to  servitude. 

The  noisy,  chattering  negro  loves  the  excitement  of 
a  crowd,  is  readily  domesticated,  if  not  easily  civilized, 
and  thri  es  cand  multiplies  in  subonlination  to  other  and 
higher  races. 

Tiie  history  of  the  negro  in  and  oat  of  Africa  leads  to 
these  CO  iclusions: — There  never  has  originated  among 
an  unmixed  negro  iH)pulation  any  condition  of  society 
that  approximated  to  civilization. 

When  civilization  has  been  inti'oduced  among  them,  it 
is  purely  imitative,  and  they  have  not  been  able  to  retain 
it  when  left  to    them  el ve^. 

Although  the  negro  have  shown  a  strong  ten- 
dency to  gather  around  centres  of  population,  there 
never  has  existed  a  negro  polity  that  rose  above  the 
orjan'zation  of  a  barbarous  tribe. 

No  example  can  be  f')und  of  a  community  of  free 
negro  s  exercising  the  ordinary  providence  and  industry 
common  to  most   other  races. 

In  the  communities  in  Central  Africa,  which  have 
progressed  so  far  as  to  maintain  themselves  by  tilling 
the  soil,  socii'ty  is  organized  on  the  basis  of  master  and 

The  negroes  owe  their  possession  of  a  large  part  of 
middle  and  western  Africa  solely    to  the  climate,  which 




is  generally  and  sp3eli!y  fatal  to  people  of  most  other 
lac  "S. 

However  much  the  negro  may  he  changed  and  im- 
proved in  the  Cv)iirse  (  f  some  generations  hy  b.-ing  trans- 
ferred to  another  climate  iind  a,  civilized  (omnmnity,  he 
remains  as  obviously  a  negro  in  mind  and  body  as  his 
ancestors  were. 

Free  negroes  living  remote  from  the  tropics  die  out 
in  a  few  gen  rations.  Negro  slaves  similarly  situated 
did  not  die  out  so  fast. 

To  these  reaiarks  we  will  add  that  wherever  the 
climate  is  su  h  that  the  white  man  can  perform  all 
necessary  out-of-door  labours  without  sacrificing  his 
health,  thenegio  rapilly  and  completely  lo-es  his  value 
as  a  labourer,  as  the  country  fills  up  with  a  new  and 
industrious  population  of  a  superior  race.  The  va!ue  of 
thi'  negro's  labour,  which  it  needs  close  superintendence 
to  get,  falls  from  day  to  day,  until  it  wiil  not  pay  for 
his  maintenance.  This  was  the  result  that  put  an  rud  to 
negro  slavery  in  the  Northern  States.  Yankee  traders 
and  ship  owners  were  as  busy  as  ever  buying  slaves  on 
the  coast  of  Africa,  and  selling  them  in  Southern  and 
West  Indian  ports.  But  there  was  another  branch  of 
tlie  same  trade.  Negro  slaves  being  found  to  be  a  source 
of  little  profit  in  the  Nortli,  the  younger  and  more  .sale- 
able of  those  born  and  bred  there  were  gradually  sent 
oft'  to  the  South.  It  was  not  until  they  had  gotten  rid 
of  most  of  the  marivetable  part  of  this  peculiar  merchan- 
dise, that  the  ];eople  of  the  Northern  States,  one  after 
another,  abolished  slavery.  Then  they  washed  their 
hands  and  purged  their  consi'iences  of  all  participation 

».■-'  ■ 


m  ' 


■•  I 




■spill  nil 

■■•#r ''■' ' 

I!*   '   *  i  ^ 

It     •« 




r  ! 









in  what  tlioy  now  called  an  outrai^o  aijainst  the  inalien' 
able  rin'lits  of  man. 

But  in  the  States  lying  further  South  the  descendants 
of  the  British  colonists  who  had  settled  there  found 
themselves  in  a  very  different  position  from  their  Nortli- 
ern  confederates. 

Theii"  countrj^  was  suh-tropical,  an  1,  except  in  and 
near  the  mountains,  wherever  the  soil  was  fertile,  the 
summer  heat  cnixendered  malaria,  noxious  to  the  health, 
often  fatal  to  the  lives  of  the  whites,  especially  when 
fatigued  with  labour,  exhausted  by  fasting,  or  exposed  to 
tbe  dews  of  night.  The  more  fertile  the  soil,  the  more 
fatal  the  climate  to  the  whit"  man  ;  while  the  negro 
setsme  1  to  defy  its  evil  influences,  labouring,  thriving, 
and  multiplying  in  localities,  where  the  whites,  without 
care  in  avoiding  exposure,  and  in  the  c  luice  of  the  jilace 
where  they  slept,  ran  great  risk  of  dying  out.  Even  in 
the  more  1)ari'en  and  therei'oi'e  healthier  parts  of  the 
country,  white  labourers  in  the  field,  under  the  oppres" 
sion  of  the  long  and  hot  summers,  cannot  work  with 
half  the  enr-rgy  and  persistence  of  the  labourer  in  West-- 
ern  Europe, 

Thus  the  States  that  form  the  Federal  IJnioi  were 
divided  by  geographical  position,  cliuiate,  and  pursuits, 
into  two  distinct  groups,  differing  in  character  from 
each  other.  Moreover  there  had  been  from  the  first 
settling  of  the  Ci)untry  some  marked  differences  in  the 
character  of  the  colonies.  Ts'ew  England  had  been 
settled  chiefly  by  malcontents  againsu  th'^  Eugii  h  gov- 
erinnent  and  the  Church  of  England.  The  same  might 
be  said   of   some  other  colonies  ;  but  both  the  English 





jL,'Overninent  and  chiircli  had  many  zealous  adherents 
among  the  colonists  in  Virginia  and  tliose  south  of  it. 
But  latterly  the  iDOst  obvious  distinction  hetwcen  the 
South  and  the  North  was  the  presence  in  the  former  of 
a  large,  orderly,  and  fast  multiplying  population  of  negro 
slaves,  contrasted  with  a  sparce  and  rapidly  decreasing 
remnant  of  emancipated  negroes  in  the  latter.  Few  as 
these  free  negroes  were,  they  proved  to  be  a  great 
nuisance,  furnishing  a  monstrous  proportion  of  tlie  in- 
mates of  the  gaols,  poorhouses,  hospitals,  and  hniatic 
asylums,  in  the  Northern  States.  The  census,  with  the 
reports  on  crime,  pauperism,  disease,  and  insanity,  ex- 
hibit these  facts  in  the  clearest  light. 

Another  element  was  rapidly  flowing  into  the  country 
to  widen  the  ditierence  between  the  Northern  and 
Southern  States.  Tlie  climate  of  the  former,  although 
one  of  extremes,  is  onj  in  which  the  Avhite  man  can 
labour  to  some  advantage,  although  not  as  well  as  in 
that  of  the  British  Islands.  Western  Europe  was  over- 
tiowinir  with  discontented  labourers,  and  malcontents 
who  were  not  lab  jurers;  and  multitudes  came  to  America. 
A  large  proportion  of  these  new-comers  to  the  land  of 
liberty,  where  many  of  them  thought  them.selves  at 
liberty  to  do  whatever  seemed  good  in  their  own  eyes, 
were  of  very  undesirable  characters.  They  came  with 
their  heads  stuffed  full  of  false  notions  on  political,  econ- 
omical, social,  and  moral  questions  of  every  kind,  among 
which  was  prominent  a  great  contempt  for  vested  rights. 

The  (jovernment  received  this  crowd  of  emigrants  with 
open  arms.  The}'  all,  without  distinction,  at  the  end  of 
a  few  years,  might  become   citizens  and  voters,  without 




■"H  » 





paying  one  penny  of  tax,  an  1  take  a  part  in  the  ruling 
of  a  country,  of  the  history,  government,  laws,  and  in- 
stitutions of  which  most  of  them  knew  nothing,  and 
never  could  know,  from  utter  ignorancj  and  incapacity 
to  learn. 

But  the  people  of  the  Northern  Stages  had  powerful 
motives  for  encouraging  this  iiiiniigration.  Every  man 
who  held  land,  or  had  any  capital  vested  in  some  money- 
seeking  speculation,  fe't  that  this  influx  of  labour  and 
mechanical  skill  was  adding  to  Ids  own  wealth,  and  his 
hopes  of  vastly  increasing  it.  Moreover,  every  addition 
to  the  popula  ion  of  the  Northern  States,  by  swelling 
the  number  of  their  representatives  in  t!ie  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  added  to  their  control  over  the  Federal 
government.  This  was  the  great  object  on  which  the 
people  of  the  Northern  States  ha<l  set  theh*  hearts.  They 
gained  not  only  powei-  but  money  by  it. 

At  the  first  formation  of  the  Federal  Union,  not  only 
were  the  Northern  States  more  in  number  than  the 
S  >uthern,  but  the  people  were  more  numerous.  And, 
rapid  as  was  the  increase  of  populatio  i  in  tlie  South, 
it  was  more  rapid  in  the  North,  being  continually 
swollen  by  the  influx  of  em ig  ants  from  Europe,  rivalling 
in  numbers  the  migrating  hordes  that  overran  provinces 
of  the  Roman  empire.  We  have  few  means  of  reference 
at  hand,  but  in  sjme  years,  as  in  lSo4f,  this  immigiation 
amounted  to  nearly  half  a  mi  lion. 

At  the  sauie  time  the  prosperity  of  the  No  th  was 
stimulated  by  the  influx  of  a  vast  amount  of  capital 
borrowed  in  En^fland  and  elsewhere.  Is  it  destined  to 
be  repaid  ?     Caveat  creditor.     Both  labour  and  capital 



sought  in  the  New  World  the  latitudes,  climate,  and 
investments,  most  similar  t )  those  of  the  country  from 
which  it  had  come.  Of  the  foreiimers  livincr  in  the 
United  States  in  1^550,  two  millions  were  in  the  North, 
and  not  one  quarter  of  a  million  in  the  South.  The  tide 
of  emigration  had  not  yet  reached  its  height,  and  this 
(lisj)roportion  afterwards  increased.  The  North  thus  ac- 
([uired  an  almost  unlimited  command  of  capital  and 
labour,  including  in  the  latter  skilled  mechanics  and  men 
of  hiijh  scientitic  attainments.  All  its  Lrreat  w<jrks  of 
internal  improvements  are  chiefly  the  result  of  borrowed 
foreign  capital,  Irish  and  German  labour,  and  mechanical 
skill  from  England,  Scotland,  and  the  North  of  Europe. 

This  was  the  prosperous  condition  of  the  Northern 
States  in  18G0.  What  was  then  the  condition  of  the 
Southern  States  ? 

Before  we  enter  into  that  inquiry  we  will  observe 
that  there  never  was  any  great  cordiality  between 
the  two  parts  of  the  Union.  But  the  road  to  prosperity 
which  lay  open  before  them,  kept  them  too  profitably 
busy  to  afford  time  for  deadly  quarrels  between  them  ; 
and  they  occasionally  experienced  pressure  enough, 
from  foreign  enemies,  to  keep  them  together. 

\  - 









The  Southern  States. 

It  is  impossible  to  explain  the  present  condition  of  tht* 
United  States,  without  giving  a  sketch  of  the  progresM 
of  the  Southern  States  down  to  1860. 

If  we  were  to  represent  them  as  pictured  at  and  for 
some  time  previous  to  that  date,  by  very  many  of  the 
Northern  people,  and  by  the  leading  journals  published  in 
the  Northern  cities,  from  which  journals  the  world  at  large 
chiefly  derived  its  notions  of  the  slave-holding  states  of  the 
Union,  the  Whole  South  would  seem  to  have  been  one 
pandemonium.  Never  were  any  people  so  elaborately 
vituperated  and  denounced  as  they  were  by  an  annually 
swelling  crowd  of  their  Northern  confederates.  It  is 
true  that  there  were  at  the  North  numbers  who  set  their 
faces  against  this  hostility  in  words  and  in  acts  against 
the  people  of  the  Southern  States.  But  being  gradually 
over-ridden  by  popular  clamour  and  violence;  they  lost 
influence  day  by  day,  and  finally  shrunk  into  a  small 
minority  who  were,  and  still  are,  compelled  to  keep 
their  convictions  to  themselves.  During  the  war  that 
followed,  free  speech,  censuring  the  course  of  the  govern- 
ment, was  answered  by  mob-law,  or  by  locking  up  the 
speaker  in  Fort  LaFayette,  or  some  other  Bastile. 

For  years  the  mildest  expression  of  Northern  opinion 
had  taught  that  the  people  of  the  Southern  States  were 
indolent,  unenterprising,  and  averse  to  steady  labour  of 




any  kind;  the  only  energy  they  showe.l  was  in  driving 
their  slaves.  The  self-sufficient  New  Englander  had 
long  harped  upon  this  theme,  while  offering  himself  as 
an  example  for  imitation  in  the  opposite  qualities. 
According  to  him  the  North  under  New  England's 
guidance  and  inspiration,  had  done  everything,  and  the 
South  nothing,  to  develop  the  resources  of  the  country. 
He  laid  it  down  as  an  infallible  dogma,  that  negro 
slavery  in  the  South  had  deteriorated  the  character  and 
habits  of  the  people,  was  an  obstacle  to  the  progress  of 
population  and  civilization,  and  the  improvement  of  the 
country;  that  all  slive  labour  was  unskillful,  slovenly, 
and  superficial,  obstructing  the  use  of  machinery  and 
improved  methods  of  culture,  and  making  labour  dis- 
creditable in  the  white  man.  It  stamped  inc(jmpleteness 
and  inefficiency  on  all  that  was  done  or  attempted.  The 
New  Englander  had  preached  this  doctrine  so  confident- 
ly and  zealously  as  not  only  to  convince  himself,  but 
some  people  even  in  the  South  almost  began  to  believe 
it.  Yet  the  true  history  of  the  Southern  States  flatly 
contradicted  these  assertions. 

A  little  more  than  two  centuries  before  18G0,  the 
whole  teriitory  of  the  Southern  States,  except  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Jamestown  in  Virginia,  of  the  Spanish  forts 
of  St  Augustine  and  Pensacola,  and  two  French  posts  on 
the  Mississippi,  was  a  wilderness,  the  hunting  ground  of 
the  red  man.  Another  century  wrought  but  very  par- 
tial changes  in  this  Viist  region,  although  several 
European  colonies  were  then  flourishing  on  the  coast. 

What    progress    had   the    South  made   in   the   next 





7  .•^•■ 








hundred  years  ?  And  liow  far  can  the  people  of  the 
South  claim  that  progress  as  their  own  work? 

More  than  a  century  ago  the  tide  of  European  immigm- 
tion  into  North  America  had  been  much  diverted  from 
the  Southern  State >.  The  climate  deterred  lal>ourinii; 
men  from  going  thither;  and  the  few  Europeans  and 
Northern  men  who  settled  there  seldom  brought  families 
with  them,  A  great  majority  of  the  p**ople  of  the  South 
sprang  from  ancestoi-s  who  had  S'ittltfd  in  some  of  the 
Southern  colonies  several  ifcnerations  back. 

As  to  the  oft  asserted  deterioration  of  the  white  pop- 
ulation of  the  Southern  States,  and  that  this  dfteriora- 
tion  was  partially  counter-acted  by  the  influx  of  new- 
comers from  Europe  and  the  North,  a  multitude  of 
statistical  and  historical  facts  utterly  disprove  these  as- 
sertions.    We  will  briefly  refer  to  the  statistics: — 

It  appears  from  the  U.  S.  census  of  1850,  that  nearly 
nine- tenths  of  the  foreign  born  population  in  the  coun- 
try were  found  in  the  Northern  States,  and  little  more 
than  one-tenth  in  the  Southem  States. 

It  appears  from  the  same  census,  that  while  only  one 
hundred  and  ninety  five  thousand  (195,000)  persons, 
born  in  the  Northern  States,  were  livin;.'  in  the  South — 
four  hundred  and  eighty  five  thousand  !'485,000)  nat  ves 
of  the  Southern  States  were  then  living  in  the  North. 
Eighty  five  thousand  Virginians  were  found  in  Ohio 
alone.  Fifty-one  thousand  in  Indiana.  Sixty-eight 
thousand  Kentuckians  in  Indiana.  Fifty-nine  thousand 
ii.  Illinois.  Fifty-eight  thousand  North  Carolinians  in 
Ohio.  Thirty  thousand  in  Indiana.  Thirt3''-two  thou- 
sand Tennes£2ans  in  Illinois — ikc.  We  need  not  lengthen 



out  tVls  statement.  The  Soutlierners  who  liad  settled 
in  tlie  North  were  twice  and  a  half  more  numerous  than 
the  Northern  men  who  had  settled  in  the  South. 

Isilto  be  supposed  that  these  Southern  men  w^ould  have 
gone  and  settled  themselves  in  the  Northern  states,  if, 
from  inferiority  in  ability  and  industry,  they  found 
themselves  less  capable  of  making  a  living  and  pushing 
their  fortunes  than  the  people  they  went  amcmg?  Far 
the  greater  part  of  these  etnigrants  from  the  South  were 
labouring  farmers,  and  their  object  was  to  find  a  climate 
in  w'hich  field  work  and  out  of  door  labour  is  not  so  in- 
jurious to  the  w^hite  man  as  in  that  which  thev  had  left 
behind  them.  It  is  prove<l,  by  successive  returns  of  the 
census — that  the  w^hite  population  of  the  Southern  States 
was  multiplying  rapidl}^  although  the  emigration  much 
exceeded  the  immigration  both  from  Europe  and  the 
Northern  States. 

As  to  the  asserted  deterioration  of  the  people  of  the 
Southern  States,  notorious  historical  facts  prove  its 
falsehood.  Although  the  whites  in  the  South  were  much 
fewer  that  those  in  the  North,  in  fact  not  half  as  numer- 
ous, yet  the  people  of  the  United  States  selected  most  of 
their  Presidents  from  the  South — down  to  1800.  The 
Chief  Justices  of  the  Suprome  Court  of  the  United 
States,  with,  we  believe,  only  one  exception,  were  born 
and  died  in  slave-holding  states.  The  two  men  pre-em- 
inently distinguished  in  the  annals  of  Congress  by  their 
parliamentary  abilities,  w^ere  Henry  Clay,  a  leader  who 
seemed  to  take  possession  of  men's  hearts  and  heads — 
and  John  C.  Calhoun,  the  logical  statesman,  who  best  ex- 
pounded the  principle  and  duties  of  the  government — 


■  t  ' 






.•  y 

♦  . .  -  ■ 

both  were  bom  in,  and  represented  slave  holding  states. 
So  with  the  soldiers  who  have  a  name  in  history — Wash- 
ington and  Lee,  Stonewall  Jackson,  and  Joseph  E.  John- 
ston, whose  campaigns  were  master  pieces  of  Fabian 
strategy.  To  these  we  may  add  the  names  of  that  coarse, 
strong  willed  man,  Andrew  Jackson,  who  ruled  all  that 
came  in  contact  with  him,  and  General  Scott,  and  Z. 
Taylor,  so  successful  in  the  war  against  Mexico,  All 
these  were  born  and  bred  in  the  South.  No  equivalent 
to  this  array  of  worthies  sprang  from  the  Northern 

But  some  Yankee  panegyrist  may  say  that  General 
Grant's  services  alone  far  surpass  the  achievements  of  all 
the  soldiers  we  have  named.  And  this  tempts  us  to  say 
a  few  words  in  explanation  of  General  Grant's  military 

We  know  little  of  the  earlier  part  of  that  career.  He 
was  educated  at  West  Point,  and  held  a  commission  in 
the  army  for  several  years,  but  had  to  leave  it  for  causes, 
of  which  intemperance  was  the  chief.  He  was  after- 
wards engaged  in  some  manufacturing  or  commercial  en- 
terprises, but  failed  in  them.  18C0  found  him  a  broken 
man,  of  dissipated  habits  and  desperate  fortunes.  ■  But 
he  was  known  to  be  a  man  of  great  resolution.  It  has 
been  said  that  he  oft'ered  his  services  to  the  Confederates ; 
but  this  may  be  false.  The  same  thing  has  been  assert- 
ed as  to  another  noted  Northern  General  of  better  char- 
acter than  Grant.  He  was,  we  believe,  first  employed 
by  the  U.  S.  government  in  crushing  a  movement  of  the 
secessionists  near  St.  Louis  in  Missouri,  where  they  were 
greatly  in  the  minority — and  afterwards  attracted  atten- 




tion  by  his  success  in  subordinate  positions.  But  his 
good  fortune  sprang  from  a  peculiar  conjunction  of 
events.  The  Northern  government  and  j'eople  began 
their  efforts  to  put  down  the  'rebellion'  as  they  called  it, 
with  inadequate  forces.  Every  time  they  made  a  failure, 
they  changed  their  general,  and  greatly  increased  their 
levies.  Luckily  for  Grant  it  was  not  until  a  number  of 
commanders  in  chief  had  been  shelved — and  the  insufti- 
ent  strength  of  successive  armies  had  been  acknowledged, 
that  the  government  put  forth  all  its  remaining  strength 
and  credit,  raised  an  army  of  a  million  of  men,  more 
than  half  of  whom  were  foreigners — and  put  Grant  in 
command.  He  certainly  succeeded  at  last  in  performing 
the  task  entrusted  to  him.  Butwedonot  justnowremem- 
ber,  in  all  history,  any  successful  general  who  had  so  many 
of  his  men  slaughtered  by  an  enemy  greatly  inferior  in 
numbers.  But  he  had  been  furnished  with  plenty  of 
men  and  plenty  of  ammunition,  and  seems  to  have  valued 
the  one  about  as  much  as  the  other.  We  are  not  well 
informed  as  to  the  details  of  his  campaigns.  But  we 
know  of  no  one  instance  in  which  he  displayed  stategetic 
ability  of  a  high  order — and  would  be  surprised  if  SLuy 
military  critic  could  point  it  out.  Wielding  an  over- 
whelming force  against  enemies  very  inferior  in  num- 
bers, he  showed  the  most  dogged  resolution,  and  dis- 
regard for  the  lives  of  his  men;  and  failure  at  one  point 
only  stimulated  him  to  try  his  luck  at  another.  This 
explains  his  more  than  semi-circular  campaign  around 
Richmond  in  18C4 — 5.  One  feature  in  General  Grant's 
success  has  been  little  commented  on,  for  the  steps  that 
led  to  it  are  wrapped  in  obscurity.     It  is  known  that  he 

■*: .,  -^ 




1    §*«'M 



went  into  tho  war  (  poor,  but  seem.s  to  have 
come  out  very  rich.  But  the  process  lias  never  been  ex- 
plained by  which  he  accjuired  his  wealth. 

We  do  not  ni<  .m  to  attribute  any  unusual  purity  of 
morals,  or  elevation  of  sentiment,  to  the  average  South- 
ern man.  He  had  little  claim  to  it.  But  there  was 
something  in  the  polit  cal  and  social  orf^^anization  of  the 
Southern  States,  especially  the  older  States,  that  enal)l(;d 
men  who  were  not  mere  cunning  and  unscrupulous  poli- 
ticians, but  men  of  high  character  and  social  position,  to 
take  p  linent  places  in  public  life.  It  was  evident  that 
the  leading  men  of  the  South  long  exercised  a  wholesome, 
elevating,  and  conservative  influence,  both  politically 
and  socially,  over  the  whole  Union.  The  acknowledge- 
ment of  this  was  not  unusual  in  the  North,  and  some- 
times came  from  very  curious  ([uartei'S. 

No  man  matle  himself  more  conspicuous  by  incessant 
and  unmeasured  abuse  of  the  South  than  Horace  Gree- 
ley, the  editor  of  the  New  York  Tribune.  It  was  meat^ 
and  drink  to  him,  literally  and  metaphorically.  It 
supported  his  paper,  and  that  supported  him.  One  of 
his  bitterest  complaints  against  the  South,  and  many 
others  echoed  it,  was  that  Southern  men  dominated  both 
socially  and  politically  over  their  Northern  associates. 
The  same  a<imission  was  freely  and  fully  made  by  Elihu 
Burrett,  'the  learned  blacksmith,'  a  widely  known  ^' 
England  author,  a  man  of  greater  attainv  «<« 
Greeley,   but  like  him,  of  no  large  mental         ore. 

The  truth  was  that  in  the  South,  constat icncies  of 
white  men,  with  a  negro  population  politically  ber  ath 
them,  were  less  influenced  by  the  motives  and  impulses. 




which,  in  elections,  control  the  luoh  of  voters  in  the 
Northern  States.  And,  whatever  may  have  heen  the 
ol)jects  which  led  a  Southern  man  into  jmhlic  lif<', 
politics  was  seldom  adopted  as  a  profession,  or  trade,  by 
which  he  hoped  to  make  his  fortune.  Pecuniary  em- 
i»arrassnient  was  there  the  usual  result  of  political  am- 
i)ition.  Wliat  perhaps  most  intiuenced  the  selection  and 
fornuMl  the  characters  of  the  public  men  of  the  South 
was  the  position  they  long  occupied  as  the  defenders  of 
law,  vested  rights,  and  constitutional  limitations,  and 
as  the  opposers  of  extiavagance  and  corruption  in  gov- 
ernment, and  of  the  attacks  of  a  radical  and  usurping 

Having  >uid  so  much  of  the  whites,  the  real  people  of 
the  South,  we  will  now  speak  of  the  negroes  there.  Far 
the  greater  part  of  tlie  negroes  were  the  descendants 
of  Africans  brought  into  the  country  before  the  revolu- 
tion of  1770.  It  was  not  late  in  the  history  of  the 
Southern  colonies  when  the  slave  population  increased 
more  by  births  than  by  importation. 

In  this  respect  the  English  continental  colonies  differed 
from  the  colonies  in  the  West  Indies,  whether  English, 
French,  or  Spanish.  In  these  latter,  for  reasons  un- 
known to  us,  possibly  from  the  cost  of  maintaining  the 
families  of  the  negroes,  only  adult  male  slaves  were 
much  in  demand.  Cargoes  of  Africans  consisted  chiefly 
of  men,  as  those  of  Coolies  at  the  present  day.  But, 
among  the  negroes  brought  into  the  English  continental 
colonies,  there  were  almost  as  many  women  as  men. 
Indeed,  we  have  been  told  that  it  was  not  uncommon 
foi  he  slaver,  after  selling  off  most  of  the  adult  males 


('  ♦?, 




»  r- .  ■!  »< 

•-I,  , 

Ar'^r ' 

c't    '.■ 

'*'1k'''  ■■^' 




'  IIP 



i!      r  .:i!. 

Hi  -m^ 




i   [' 

III         1  (; 




in  the  West  Indies,  to  bring  the  remainder  left  on  his 
hands,  chiefly  women  and  children,  to  some  port  on  the 
continent.  Thus  the  negroes,  on  a  plantation  or  estate 
in  the  West  Indies,  resembled  a  regiment  in  this  respect, 
that  the  ranks  were  kept  full  by  the  introduction  of 
recruits.  But  the  importation  of  negroes  into  the  con- 
tinental colonies  was  like  bringing  in  a  body  of  peasant- 
ly  for  the  permanent  settlement  of  the  country.  The 
result  Avas  that,  although  far  fewer  Africans  were  brought 
to  the  English  part  of  the  continent  ihan  to  any 
one  of  the  larger  West  Indian  islands,  yet  their  descend- 
ants are  twice  as  numerous  as  all  the  negroes  in  the 
West  Indies. 

We  have  access  to  very  few  sources  of  early  statistics, 
and  the  census  of  the  United  States  dates  only  from 
1790.  But  it  appears  from  the  census  that  the  rate  of 
increase  of  the  negroes  was  little  higher  during  the  last 
eighteen  years  of  the  slave  trade,  than  after  the  ports 
were  closed  against  it.  From  this  we  infer  that  no  great 
number  of  Africans  were  brought  into  the  country  be- 
tween 1790  and  1808,  when  the  trade  ceased.  It  is 
probable  that  the  whole  number  of  Africans  brought 
to  the  English  part  of  the  continent  from  the  opening  of 
the  slave  trade  to  the  close  of  it,  fell  short  of  three  hun- 
dred thousauvl ;  yet  their  ofi'spring  in  18G0,  were  more 
than  four  million  four  hundred  thousand. 

We  would  not  infer  from  the  mere  increase  of  popu- 
lation, the  absolute  well  being  of  a  people.  A  well 
known  modern  instance  would  contradict  that  assump- 
tion. But  this  nipid  increase  of  the  negroes  in  the 
Southern  States  is  a  remarkable  fact,  and  indicates  very 




strongly  that  their  condition  was  not  unadapted  to  their 
nature.  It  clearly  proves  that  the  oft-pictured  cruelties 
of  the  masters  and  sufferings  of  the  slaves,  even  when 
founded  on  truth,  must  have  represented  exceptional  cases. 

After  1808  no  Africans  were  introduced  into  the 
country.  According  to  the  census  of  1810  the  number 
of  slaves  in  the  United  States  was  one  million,  one  hun- 
dred and  ninety-one  thousand  (1,191,000).  Fifty  years 
later,  in  18G0,  they  had  increased  to  tliree  million  nine 
hundred  and  fifty-three  thousand  (3,953,000).  If  we 
deduct  the  immigrants  that  annually  swelled  the  white 
population,  it  will  he  found  the  negro  slaves  multiplied 
about  as  fast  as  the  whites,  fully  27  or  28  per  cent,  every 
ten  years  ;  while,  as  is  well  known,  the  free  negroes  de- 
clined in  numbers,  especially  at  the  North,  although  k^pt 
up  by  additions  from  the  slave  population,  either  as 
fugitives  or  set  fi'ee  by  their  masters. 

It  is  a  very  significant  fact  that  according  to  the 
census  of  1870,  the  whole  number  of  coloured  people  in 
the  United  States  fell  short,  by  half  a  million,  of  the 
number  they  should  have  reached,  had  the  negroes  con- 
tinued to  increase  from  18G0  to  1870  at  the  lowest  rate 
recorded  in  any  previous  period  of  ten  years. — Did  the 
negroes  continue  to  multiply,  as  usual,  from  18G0  until 
their  emancipation  in  18G5,  and  then  their  increase 
abruptly  cease  ?  That  supposition  would  exactly  ex- 
plain the  returns  to  the  census  of  1870.  Perhaps  it  is 
too  soon  to  draw  certain  inferences  as  to  the  increase  or 
decrease  of  the  negro  population.  But  from  some  facts 
known  to  us,  among  which    are 

the  greet  infant 


*  ■    *   . 

tality,  and  the  disregard  of  family  ties,  we  are  convinced 





J  I:; 



I  r  ,f  : 

VJti  pi;*' - 


that  the  neLjroos  are  now  rapidly  decreasing  in  numbers 
in  the  South. 

In  1810  tlie  Southern  States,  besides  supplying  all  the 
wants  of  their  people  in  the  shape  of  fo.)d,  produced  foi- 
exportation  crops  to  the  value  of  thirty-two  millions  of 
dollars.  Fifty  years  later,  in  1800,  still  supplying  all 
the  food  their  people  needed,  they  produced  for  (exporta- 
tion crops  to  the  v^ilue  of  three  hundred  and  thirty 
millions  of  dollars;  and  that  under  a  tariif  and  fiscal 
policy  which  designedly  and  successfully  beat  down 
the  price  of  their  produce.  If  we  omit  the  bordei' 
Southern  States,  Maryland,  Kentucky,  and  Missouri, 
which  furnished  very  little  of  this  produce  for  exporta- 
tion, this  was  the  surplus  crop  of  the  Southern  States, 
with  a  population  of  three  million  two  hundred  thousand 
(J], 200,000)  whites,  and  three  million  six  hundred  thou- 
sand (0,000,000)  negioes,  after  agricultural  labour  had 
supplied  the  necessaries  of  life  to  their  people.  The  cot- 
ton crop  made  up  nearly  three-fourths  of  this  amount 
in  value. 

We  believe  agricultur ;1  histoij  affords  no  instance  of 
so  rapid  an  increase  in  the  amount  of  any  crop,  as  that 
of  the  cotton  crop  in  the  Southe  n  States.  They  seemed 
destined  to  clothe  the  world,  and  to  do  it  clieaply.  'J'he 
])roduction  was  increasing  at  the  rate  of  sixty  oi-  seven- 
ty per  cent,  eveiy  ten  years  ;  far  faster  than  either  the 
white  or  the  negro  population.  If  nothing  had  inter- 
rupted the  progress  of  this  culture,  by  this  tiiue  (1878) 
the  cotton  crop  of  tiie  Southern  States  would  have 
risen  to  eleven  or  twelve  millions  of  bales,  ecpial,  at  the 
moderate  price  of  twelve  cents  per  ]>()und  to  five  liun 
dred  and  iifty  or  six  hundred  millions  of  d(d!nis. 

p  ! 



Much  fault  lias  Vj -en  found  with  the  slovenly  faimin«^^ 
of  the  South,  owing  to  the  euiploynient  of  slave  labour. 
The  truth  is  that  abundance  of  land  and  scarcity  of 
labour  causes  rouf,di  but  broad  cultivation  ;  while  abun- 
dance of  labour  and  scarcity  of  land  leads  to  neat  and 
thoroui:rli  tillaije.  In  the  South  much  of  that  limited 
breadth  of  land,  peculiar  in  soil  and  situation,  adapting 
it  to  the  production  of  the  su<^ar-cane,  or  rice,  or  the 
long-stapled  sea-island  cotton,  exhibited  neat,  skilful 
and  thorough  culture,  by  slave  labour. 

The  civilixation,  systematic  industry,  and  controlling 
intelligence  of  the  white  race,  directing  and  aided  by 
the  ability  to  labour  and  the  constitutional  peculiarities 
of  the  negjo,  in  a  country  Ltnd  climate  so  capable  of 
valuable  productions,  had  made  the  Southern  States 
rich,  civilize<l,  and  prosperous  communities  ;  whose  an- 
nually increasing  produce  took  the  lead  in  the  commerce 
of  the  world,  and  sustained  in  peace  and  plenty  two 
distinct  populations,  each  of  which  already  numbered 
several  millions,  and  were  multiplying  with  great 
rapidity.  We  suppose  that  it  is  intended  that  the  im- 
provable portions  of  the  earth's  surface  should  be  brought 
under  cultivation  by  man ;  and  we  do  not  know  any 
other  combination  of  human  capabilities  an<l  relations, 
which  could  have  raised  thef-e  regions,  so  peculiar  in 
character  and  climate,  to  the  condition  they  had 
attained  to  in  IHGO. 

We  know  nothing  in  the  history  of  the  negro  race 
fiom  which  we  can  infer  that  there  ever  was,  or  in- 
dt.'ed,  ever  will  be  anywhere,  ;i  numerous  negro  popula- 
tion in  as  good  physical   and  moral  condition,  and  as  fit 

«.,  > 


5«!.  :' 






I  I' ' 

■f     m 

[  m 


to  form  a  part,  although  a  subordinate  part,  of  a  civilized 
community,  as  the  four  millions  of  negro  slaves  in  the 
Southern  States  in  1860.  They  had,  as  a  body,  attained 
to  a  higher  degree  of  culture  in  morals,  habits,  and  reli- 
gion, than  the  race  had  ever  known,  and  this  V)y  the 
imitation  of  their  masters  ;  for  the  negi-o  is  eminently  an 
imitative  being.  But  as  soon  as  the  relation  of  servitude 
and  its  habitual  intercourse  ceased,  that  tendency  to 
imitate  the  better  lessons  to  be  learned  from  the  whites 
faded  rapidly.  For  the  impressions  made  upon  the 
negro  are  of  singularly  brief  duration.  From  this  con- 
stitutional defect,  the  negro,  perhaps  more  than  any 
other  race,  needs  a  government  close  to  him,  and  super- 
intending him.  With  no  more  forethought  and  pro- 
vidence than  children,  they  need  to  be  controlled  and 
directed  like  children,  and  tlie  effect  of  the  ^^overnment 
close  to  them  was  seen  in  the  Southern  States.  Al- 
though much  given  to  petty  delinquencies,  no  where 
was  there  less  of  serit)us  crime  than  among  the  four 
millions  of  slaves  in  the  South.  But  now,  we  believe, 
few  who  have  seen  much  of  the  negroes  there  within 
the  last  ten  years,  will  dei.\y  that  the  bulk  of  them  are 
receding  from  civilization.  In  the  declining  influence  of 
religion,  and  often  in  its  utter  perversion,  in  the  loss  of 
industry  and  oi-derly  habits,  and  in  their  disregard  of 
family  ties,  the  major  |  art  of  them  are  drawing  near  to 
Jamaica  and  Hayti,  on  t'  ur  w  ay  to  Guinea  and  Congo. 
We  do  not  assume  that  any  considerable  portion  of 
the  white  people  in  the  South  had  attained  to  high  moral 
and  intellectual  culture.  We  know  that  with  the  bulk 
of  the  people  in  any  country,  and  of  any  race,  religion, 




moral  culture,  and  civilization  are  but  skin-deep.  Both 
reason  and  revelation  tell  us  that.  Moreover  in  a  new 
and  almost  exclusively  agricultural  country  high  intel- 
lectual and  moral  culture  is  not  readily  disseminated. 
But  there  was  in  the  South  a  cultivated  class,  perhaps 
not  inferior  in  essential  qualities  to  the  best  class  in  any 
country,  and  their  number  and  influence  was  extending 
rapidly  westward  tlirough  the  South.  Indeed  we  know 
of  no  country  wnatever,  in  which  real  progress  and  im- 
provement were  making  as  rapid  strides  as  in  these 
Southern  States. 

This  assertion  must  sound  strangely  in  the  ears  of 
those  who  have  been  taught  that  'slave-holding  is  the 
sum  of  all  villainies,'  and  utterly  incompatible  with 
the  profession  of  Christianity. 

We  ourselves  may  believe  that  Christianity  tends  to 
abolish  slavery.  But  how  does  this  tendency  work? 
Merely  as  it  tends  to  raise  and  perfect  humanity.  It  tends 
to  render  needless  the  servitude  of  any  class  of  men. 
Christianity  tends  also  to  abolish  the  poor-house,  the 
gaol,  and  the  gallows — by  rendering  each  of  them  less 
needed.  But  we  are  sure  that  all  that  Christianity  will 
ever  effect,  on  earth,  will  be  to  diminish  the  need  for 

The  very  numerous  l)ody  of  professed  Christians  in 
the  Southern  States  were  quite  unaware  that  there  was 
less  of  earnestness  and  sincerity  in  their  faith  and  prac- 
tice, than  there  was  among  tUeir  professing  Northern 
neighbours.  Christians  in  the  South,  although  divided  as 
elsewhere,  between  several  churches  and  sects,  were 
characterized  by  a  general  sobriety  in  their  convictions, 

;    _      - 

•        •  1  ' 





li"fe!;  ■! 



lifl;  Pjii^r^ 


i'l  rill'!*' 




and  were  less  apt  to  bo  led  oft*  into  the  many  extrava- 
gant'  pervading  the  North.  The  profanities  and 
l>estialities  of  Morinonisni,  and  other  religious  monstros- 
ities, did  not  originate,  and  never  spread  into  the  South, 
Although  the  clergy  in  the  South  were  intensely  zealous 
for  the  defense  of  the  rights  of  the>e  States  against 
Northern  aggression,  yet  luar  sermons,  substituting 
politics  for  religion,  were  not  preached  by  them. 
They  left  that  to  the  Northern  pulpits.  Patriotic 
songs  did  not  take  the  place  of  devotional  hymns 
in  Southern  churches,  as  the  'Star  spangled  banner' 
and  other  political  rhajDsodies,  did  in  the  North. 
Nor  was  the  altar,  with  the  consecrated  bread 
and  wine  of  the  Christian  Eucharist,  draped  in  South- 
ern churches  with  the  Confederate  banner,  as  it  was  with 
the  United  States  ftas:,  in  New  York  and  elsewhere  at 
the  North. 

The  Christian  clergy  of  the  South  had  the  Bible,  the 
word  of  God  ;  and,  with  tlie  exce[)tion  of  the  Roniau 
Catholics,  professed  to  make  it  the  exclusive  ground  of 
all  their  teaching.  But  they  failed  to  find  in  it  any 
texts  enjoining  the  emancipation  of  the  negroes.  On 
what  ground  rests  the  assertion  that  Christianity  pro- 
hibits the  holding  of  slaves?  Christ,  during  his  stay  on 
earth,  his  apostles,  during  their  whole  lives,  lived  in 
slave-holding  countries;  they  were  in  habitual  contact 
with  masters  and  slaves.  Yet  they  never  once  came  in 
conflict  with  slavery. 

Let  it  not  be  forgotten  that  tlie  slaves  of  the  Roman, 
of  the  Greek,  of  the  Syrian,  and  the  Jew,  were  people  of 
far  higher  races  than  the  negro.     Christian  doctrine  has 







its  mysteries,  the  meaning  of  which  may  be  disputed  and 
misunderstood;  but  its  moral  teaching  is  very  plain 
spoken.  Yet  not  only  did  'tJiat  sin  of  sins'  'that  sum  of 
(ill  iniquities'  escape  censure,  but  the  Christian  scrip- 
tures distinctly  inculcate  the  relative  duties  of  mastei"S 
and  of  slaves.  Saint  Paul  in  his  inculcation  of  practical 
Christian  morals  is  full  and  precise  in  his  teaching-.  In 
his  long  catalogues  of  sin-i,  and  of  sinneis,  he  evidently 
means  to  comprehend  all  the  shapes  taken  ly  man's  in- 
iquity. How  came  he  to  forget  to  put  .slave-holding 
and  the  slave-holder  amonfj  the  sins  and  the  sinners!* 
So  obvious  is  this  omission,  this  defect  in  Christian 
Scriptures,  that  many  of  the  most  uncompro: rising 
apostles  of  human,  and  especially  negro  free<]om,  turned 
in  ilisgust  and  contempt  from  the  Bible,  and  appealed  to 
a  higher  law. 

Many,  I  should  say  most  Christian  men  and  ministers 
in  the  South  believed  that  the  negro's  religious  faith  and 
practice  weie  far  more  aided  than  hindered  by  his  sub- 
ordinate and  even  servil-.'  condition.  And  it  is  very  far 
from  being  yet  proveci  that  they  were  in  error. 

It  is  often  said  that  the  possession  of  power  over  others 
cultivates  selfishness  and  tyranny  in  the  possessor  of  that 
power.  It  do'ubtless  has  that  tendency.  A  common 
application  and  illu.-^tration  of  this  remark  is  the  con- 
duct of  the  masters  of  slaves.  Doubtless  they  afforded 
many  a  case  in  point.  The  possession  of  power  over 
others,  in  any  shape,  is  apt  to  generate  tyranny.  But 
far  from  being  the  only,  it  is  not  the  usual  and  natural 
effect  of  it.  The  natural  and  usual  effect  of  the  posses- 
sion of  power  over  others  is  to  awaken  the  sense  of  res- 

-A*'-  :.■ 

4  - : 

■$  1     -  .  ^ 



I  • 

•*  1 



I!   W. 



"i  !*'•' 
,!.     .      .... 

ponsibility  on  their  account.  Withoiit  this,  the  rela" 
tions  of  the  family,  of  society,  and  of  government  could 
not  exist;  for  they  all  rest  upon  it. 

In  the  case  of  the  employers  of  labour,  especially 
when  that  employment  is  somewhat  permanent,  as  in 
the  case  of  land-holders,  thrown  into  frequent,  often 
habitual  intercourse  with  those  who  live  on  their  lands^ 
every  observant  man  must  have  seen  that  the  usual 
effect  of  this  relation  is  to  fjenerate  the  habit  of  consid- 
ering  the  necessities  and  interests  of  those  thus  connect- 
ed with,  and,  to  some  extent,  dependent  upon  them;  and 
this  leads  to  the  habit  of  acting  for  their  benefit.  This 
relation  tends  to  take  a  man  out  of  himself,  counteract- 
ing the  selfish  instincts  of  our  nature,  which  we  oftenest 
see  aggravated  into  the  most  unscrupulous  selfishness 
among  those  who  are  occupied  exclusively  in  buying  and 
selling,  and  other  pursuits,  which  bnng  men  into  only 
casual  contact  with  persons  little  or  not  at  all  known  to 

As  the  land  holder  naturally  takes  an  interest  in  his 
tenants  and  work  people,  so  the  Southern  planter  had  a 
more  permanent  interest,  and  frequent  intercourse  with 
his  negroes;  and  his  relations  to  them  necessarily 
assumed  a  somewhat  patriarchal  character,  which  coun- 
teracted that  natural  and  almost  universal  antipathy 
springing  from  difference  of  race.  His  thoughts  and  his 
care  were  directed,  not  merely  to  the  profits  derived 
from  their  services,  but  beyond  that,  to  providing  for 
their  wants  and  well  being.  The  interest  he  felt  in  them 
assumed  the  form  of  duty,  and  went  beyond  that  of  the 
employer  towards  his  hired  workmen. 



J    rela- 
t  could 

,,  as  in 
,   often 
r  lands, 
e  usual 
)m ;  and 
i.     This 
fi  shness 
ring  and 
ito  only 
lown  to 

t  in  his 
had  a 
rse  with 

3h  coiin- 

and  his 

ding  for 

in  them 
it  of  the 

Among  the  many  thousands  of  masters  of  slaves  in 
the  South,  doubtless  there  must  have  been  not  a  few 
shocking  instances  of  tyranny  and  brutality.  We  can 
find  plenty  of  such  instances  elsewhere.  But  the  phy- 
sical condition  of  the  negroes,  the  rapid  increase  of  their 
numbers,  the  rareness  of  the  occasions  on  which  they 
were  prosecuted  for  serious  crimes,  and  their  quiet 
acquiescence  in  their  condition  during  a  four  years'  war 
of  such  a  peculiar  character — all  indicate  that  law, 
custom,  and  the  feelings  of  their  masters  generally  se- 
cured to  them  treatment  by  no  means  adverse  to  their 

The  people  of  the  Southern  States  did  not  hold  them- 
selves more  responsible  than  the  rest  of  their  race  for 
the  presence  of  the  African  among  then:.  If  their 
fathers  had  bought  the  negroes  as  slaves,  it  was  the 
people  of  England  and  of  the  North  who  had  brought 
them  there,  and  sold  them  as  slaves;  and  doubtless  the 
proceeds  of  the  price  then  paid  is  still  to  be  found  in 
England  and  the  Northern  States. 

There  were  in  the  South  some  people,  perhaps  a  good 
many,  who  would  have  preferred  that  the  negroes  should 
never  have  been  brouorht  there.  The  result  would  have 
been  that,  with  only  white  labour  to  rely  on,  the  larger 
and  especially  the  more  fertile  portions  of  the  South 
would  have  been  a  pastoral  rather  than  a  farming 
country;  and  it  would  not  have  made  one-fourth  the 
progress  in  wealth  and  civilization  that  it  had  already 
made.  But  the  country  would  have  enjoyed  the  advan- 
vantage  of  being  free  from  the  j)resence  of  this  inferior 

But  the  negroes   were  there,  and  that  being  the  case, 



•f.  I*  •  ■■; 

•;■'  -• 
f  '■- 
■  ,■*       * 

■i:  ■  '..■'■■■  - 

■  n  . 



»  ■- 

''  m 

:*  : 

nobody  in  tlie  South  doubted  as  to  what  was  theii' 
proper  position.  The  country,  climate,  and  their  con- 
dition as  slaves,  had  proved  so  suitable  to  their  nature, 
that  two  or  three  hundred  thousand  Africans,  in  a  period 
of  much  less  than  a  century  and  a  half  (takint,'  the 
average  time  of  their  arrival)  were  represented  by  four 
million  and  a  half  of  descendants.  To  the  out  of  door 
labours  of  the  negroes  was  due  not  merely  the  crude 
agricultural  productions  of  the  soil,  but  they  furnished 
the  occasion  and  the  means  for  the  less  exposed  but 
more  skilful  labours  and  occupaMon.'^,  in  the  same 
country,  of  a  more  numerous  population  of  whites. 

The  people  of  the  South  knew  that  the  welfare,  wealth, 
and  civilization  of  their  country,  and  the  preservation 
of  social  order  in  it,  rested  on  tlie  servile  condition  of 
the  negroes.  The  history  of  their  race  proved  that  to 
emancipate  them  w^as  to  abolish  reliable  industry 
among  the  only  race  which,  in  that  climate,  could  effect- 
ually cultivate  the  soil ;  to  enfranchise  them  as  citizens 
would  throw  office  and  power  into  the  hands  of  the 
lowest  and  most  unprinc  pled  demagogues,  who  would 
soon  get  the  control  of  the  votes  of  the  mass  of  ignor- 
ance and  incapacity  in  the  guise  of  negro  citizens  ;  and 
then  use  their  official  positions  thus  acquired,  for  every 
corrupt  and  fraudulent  purpose.  Nobody  now  can  doubt, 
after  the  revelations  made  and  being  madsj-  tliat  the 
numerous  body  of  Northern  adventurers  and  Southern 
turn-coats,  who,  encouraued  and  backed  by  the  Northern 
government,  controlled  the  votes  of  the  negroes  by 
intrigue  and  bribery,  were  simply  thieves,  endowed 
with  more    skill  and  cunning  than  the  common  thief. 





Tliey  aimed  at  pocketing  millions  of  })lnn{ler,  and  bein^ 
backed  by  the  authority  and  military  force  of  tlie  gov- 
ernment, were  remarkabl}'  successful,  until  the  country 
becar.e  exhausted  of  sioiN. 

The  people  of  the  Southern  States  knew  that  they 
had  a  civilization  worth  preserving,  and  that  it  was 
based  upon  the  existing  relations  of  the  white  and  black 
races.  They  knew  that  no  foreigner  outside  of  the 
jurisdiction  of  their  own  State  i;overnnients  had  a  rijjht 
to  intei'fere  in  their  internal  political  and  social  organi- 
zation, and  least  of  all  the  people  of  the  Northern  States. 
For  they  had  induced  the  Southern  States  to  join  in  the 
treaty  that  formed  the  Union  by  allowing  to  each  slave- 
holding  State  additional  representation  in  Congress  for 
three-fifths  of  its  slaves  ;  and  also  by  each  State  pledg- 
ing itself  to  deliver  up  any  fugitive  from  another  State 
legally  held  to  service  there. 

Where  two  very  different  races  meet  in  the  same 
country,  they  are  from  nature  and  necessity  antagonistic. 
They  do  not  commingle,  or  at  least  very  partially,  and 
with  no  satisfactory  results,  for  the  offs])ring  is  apt  to 
be  wanting  in  the  better  qualities  of  both  races.  The 
inferior  race  either  dies  out,  or  becomes  subject  to  the 
other.  When  the  latter  result  occurs,  the  further  sub- 
jection of  individuals  of  the  one  race  to  individuals  of 
the  other  tends  to  mitigate  the  effects  of  the  antaixonism 
of  races.  It  provides  each  one  of  the  subject  race  with 
an  individual  guardian  who  has  the  interest,  desire,  and 
power  to  protect  him.  He  is  no  longer  a  masterless 
slave  amid  a  crowd  of  masters,  carini::  nothing  for  him 
while  tyrannizing  over  him.      We  need  not  go  far  for 






<.  r 

i    • 

i  * ' 


'  \ 

*!  ..  •' 


H<^--\,  >"■ 


examples  to  prove  that  when  a  barbarous  race  is  not 
enslaved,  it  is,  sooner  or  later,  exterminated.  The  Yan- 
kees, lon<(  af,'o,  gave  up  the  attempt  to  make  slaves  of 
the  North  American  Indians.  Since  then  they  have 
been  busy  exterminatin*^  them.  The  English,  not  so 
long  ago,  gave  up  enslaving  the  natives  ol'  middle 
Africa.  Since  then  they  have  been  dispossessing  the 
pastoral  tribes  of  South  Africa  of  their  meagre  pastures. 
For  the  well  tended  herds  of  the  Caftres  stood  in  the 
way  of  the  cattle  of  the  English  colonists,  and  must  be 
driven  off.  When  the  Caffres  and  others  resist  this 
confiscation  and  expatriation  they  extirpate  them.  But 
to  compensate  them  for  the  loss  of  their  thirsty  and 
sterile  lands,  the  English  missionaries  strive  to  lead  them 
to  the  green  pastures  and  waters  of  comfort  in  Paradise. 

We  do  not  believe  that  any  one,  who  has  not  lived  in 
a  country  where  a  large  portion  of  the  population  are 
negroes,  has  the  means  of  forming  a  sound  opinion 
on  negro  slavery.  He  would  be  still  better  able  to 
judge,  on  knowing  them  in  both  servitude  and  freedom. 
Until  he  has  this  experience  it  is  pure  presumption  in 
him  to  undertake  to  decide  this  question.  We  are  con- 
vinced that  the  emancipation  of  the  negroes  in  the 
Southern  States  tends  rapidly  to  diminish  their  numbers 
and  revive  their  barbarism.  And  from  the  nature  of  the 
climate,  the  room  left  vacant  by  their  shrinking  numbers 
can  be  but  sparsely  filled  by  another  race,  unless  a  flood 
of  Chinese  migrate  thither. 

Yet  some  thirty  years  ago  the  world  hailed  as  gospel 
truth  on  negro  slavery  that  world-read  book,  "  Uncle 
Tom's  Cabin."       It   now   turns  out  that  the  authoress, 



whon  she  wrote  it,  had  never  ))een  in  a  slave-lioMin^' 
State,  and  had  never  seen  a  slave  except  as  a  fn<,ntive 
from  servitude.  She  seemed  to  suppose  that  tlie  four 
millions  of  slaves  in  the  South,  unlike  all  other  popula- 
tions, did  not  embrace  a  criminal  class.  We  do  not 
mean  to  say  that  all,  or  half,  or  a  third,  of  the  fugitive 
slaves,  who  weitj  never  numerous,  belonged  to  that  class. 
After  the  war  and  the  emancipation,  the  authoress  of 
this  book  went  to  Florida  and  lived  there  some  time  ; 
and,  then  admitted,  that  she  found  the  real  negroes  very 
different  from  those  she  had  painted.  But  we  attribute 
little  value  to  the  opinion  and  testimony  of  a  witness 
who,  after  Lady  Byron's  death,  announces  to  the  world 
that  the  most  reticent  woman  in  all  England  had  told 
to  her,  a  stranger  and  a  foreigner,  a  most  scandalous 
secret,  which  she  had  most  guardedly  suppressed  during 
a  long  life,  the  truth  of  which  was  disbelieved  and  denied 
by  her  legal  advisers  in  matters  akin  to  it,  and  which 
was  unsuspected  by  the  scandal-seeking  world,  until  the 
inventive  novelist  coined  it  into  money  by  publishing  it. 
The  former  prosperity  and  now  fallen  state  of  the 
South  concerns  us  here  only  so  far  as  it  serves  to  explain 
the  present  condition  of  the  whole  Union. 



u^v'f.   :t 

i       '  *  ' 

'  .>  ■    . 

i.  ■■'v..  ^ 
-»  *•  ■ .  i' 

.V4'  ■! 

I  ^ 
I  i; 

•  f 


I  i  If 

.  ■ 





L;  u. 




ill-*:  .h:- 


i  lii 



The  QiAise  of  the  Secession  of  The  Soutliern  States. 

Governiiieiit-  is  a  C(ms('rvcativ(3  iiistitv.tioii.  Tlic  pur- 
pose for  which  it  exists  is  to  preserve,  not  to  revolution- 
ize, or  destroy.  We  dwell  upon  this  truism — hecause 
many  people  seem  to  have  lost  sight  of  the  truth  in  it, 

The  Southern  States  in  sec(!ding  ficm  the  Union  were 
resistin<^,  not  makinLj  a  revolution.  The  Northern 
State;,  and  the  Federal  <^^overnment  umler  tiieir  control, 
under  the  pretences  of  preserving-  the  Union,  were 
making  a  revolution,  destroying  one  government  legally 
established,  and  putting  in  its  place  a  disguised  repre- 
sentation of  it,  hut  which  was a  usurping  tyranny. 

When  the  thirteen  colonies  declared  tlu'mselves  fre; 
and  indepen<lent  States,  breaking  off*  their  connection 
with  (Ireat  Britain,  they  did  so  on  the  claim  that,  on  the 
principles  of  English  constitutional  liberty,  each  co  ony 
had  the  exclusive  right  to  tax  itself,  and  t!ie  Ihitish 
parliame:it,  in  which  they  were  not  represented,  had  no 
right  to  tax  them.  They  ma<le  great  use  of  this  argu- 
ment; yet  it  was,  as  t]iey  used  it,  of  little  value  as  a 
principle  in  government,  for  it  expnissed  but  half  the 
truth  in  it,  suppressing  the  more  valuabli!  half,  and 
making  it  substantially  a  falsehood.  Unless  the  tax- 
payers., who  furnish  the  means  necessary  to  the  sup})ort 
<^f  government,  can  say  how  much  is  necessary  for  its 
support;  unless  they  liave  the  power  to  limit  taxation, 




thoy  have  no  security  for  tlieir  ri^dits.  An<l  tlu;  best 
s(!Ciirity  th iy  can  have  is  to  liold  the  power  of  taxation 
exclusively  in  their  liands.  If  tlie  pov/er  to  tax  is  to  lie 
j)ut  into  othci' hands  than  theirs,  it  is  be^.ter  that  tliis  ini- 
poser  of  taxes  slioiild  be  one  than  the  multitude. 
The  demands  ol"  the  one  may  be  satisfied,  those  of  the 
Imni^ry,  j^reedy  multitude  can  not.  Tiie  one  man  im- 
posing taxes  can  be  controlled,  the  millions,  imposing 
taxes,  cannot  be  controlled. 

The  colonies,  on  renouncin*^  their  allefjiance  to  the 
King,  })ecaun!  republics,  but  they  did  n  >t  create  republics. 
Take  fiom  the  colonial  governments,  under  whicli  tliey 
liad  been  long  living,  the;  royal  prerogatives,  and  ipso 
fdcto  ^hey  weie  republics.  But  they  were  not  democra- 
cies, xii  the  iuodern  sense  of  the  word.  We  believe  (l»at 
there  was  not  one  of  the  thirteen  states,  in  which  tht; 
franchise,  the  right  to  a  voice  in  legislation,  or  in  the 
choice  Ol  d'degates  to  the  legislative  assendjly,  was  not 
base<l  on  the  possession  of  freeliold  property,  or  some 
equivalent  stake  in  the  country.  And  alth<..igh  the 
money  valu  .•  of  this  necessary  (jualification  may  have 
been  small,  still  the  State  government  r. -presented  and 
was  controlled  by  those  who  furnished  the  means  for  its 
support — that  is  the  tax-payers.  The  administration  of 
a  government  founded  on  this  basis,  may  prove  inefficient 
or  corrupt;  but  as  long  as  the  ultimate  autliority  of 
government  rests  on  this  foundation,  the  control  of  it  is 
in  the  hands  of  the  class  who  are  mo  ^t  able  to  reform 
abuses.  This  accounts  for  the  economy  and  ht^nesty 
which  for  a  long  time  marked  the  expenditures  and  the 
administration  of  those  state  governments. 


I. » ,f  ,  .• , 

..=  :■«■•    ' 


\  '*■>■ 






:!f,  I 


m  \: 

•  •*. 

But  high  wages  and  the  low  price  of  land  in  a  new 
country,  especially  in  the  new  settlements,  wh<'re  almost 
every  one  became  a  landholder,  and  to  some  small 
amoimt  a  tax  pay*'r,  obscured  the  permanent  importance 
of  this  provision  as  to  the  f lanchise.  The  extreme  doc- 
trines as  to  the  equality  of  men,  and  the  inferences 
from  it,  set  afloat  and  disseminated  every  where  by 
the  Frencli  Revolution,  and  especially  among  the  crowd 
of  emigrants  from  Europe,  to  whom  the  Fedei'al  govern- 
ment accor.Jed  a  spc^edy  naturalization;  and  the  eager- 
ness and  perseverance  with  which  demagogues  seized 
and  dwelt  upon  a  topic  so  acceptable  to  the  multitude, 
exercised  so  powerful  an  influence,  that  in  forty  or  fifty 
years  every  restriction  on  the  franchise  was  swept  away 
in  every  State,  Virginia  and  Rhode  Island  being  the 
latest;  and  the  right  to  vote  was  conceded  to  every 
white  man,  born  or  naturalized  in  the  countrv,  and 
twenty-one  yeai's  of  age,  who  was  not  a  pauper  depen- 
dent upon  public  charity.  The  States  were  now  confed- 
erated democracies.  The  Government  of  the  United 
States  was  fast  becoming  what  it  had  not  been,  and 
what  was  never  intei7ded,  one  huge  democracy. 

Theoretical  statesmen  had  indeed  hedged  in  this  wild, 
ignorant,  greedy  democracy  with  certain  paper  barriers, 
called  Bills  of  Rights  and  Constitutions.  But  the  Magna 
Charta  of  democracy  is  expressed  in  few  and  simple 
words:  The  Sovereign  Majority  have  all  rights,  and  the 
minority  no  rights  in  opposition  to  its  will. 

In  a  new  country,  with  land  abundant  and  cheap,  and 
labour  highly  paid,  the  people  prosperous  and  progres- 
sive, that  portion  of  the  population  oppressed  by   and 




lebcllini'  airaiiist  the  narrowness  of  their  condition,  and 
the  natural  obstructions  to  their  pr(jgr  ss  in  providing 
for  th.  ir  own  wi;ll-being,  will  be  unusually  small. — And 
in  coiisequence  ihat  class  which  seeks  to  live  by  preying 
on  society  will  not  be  numerous.  A  government  of  the 
most  j.opular  form  may  sit  lightiy  on  the  country,  and 
yet  secure  a  reasonabl.'  amount  of  justice  and  order.  But 
this  cannot  last  long. 

In  the  Unite<l  States  the  whole  co  uitry  was  becoming 
year  by  year  more  democratic,  politically  but  not  socially, 
especially  in  the  Northerii  States.  In  the  South  the 
presence  of  a  negro  population  in  servitude  iuodihed  the 
democratic  intiuences  of  the  government.     But  now  the 

Ider  of  th  ;  confederacy  were  fast  losing  the 
leculiar  advantages  of  a  new  country.  The  papulation, 
multiplying  rapidly,  was  still  further  swollen  by  the 
great  tide  of  emigrants  from  Europe  ;  and  in  general 
they  were  tho;e  whom  the  country  could  best  spare. 
The  growth  of  'arge  cities  and  the  density  of  population 
around  the  connnercial  and  manufactuiin<;  centres  in 
the  Northern  States,  brought  with  them  all  those 
struggles  for  employment  and  subsistence,  all  those  con- 
trasts of  condition  between  the  very  rich  and  very  poor, 
between  the  luxurious  and  the  destitute,  all  the  discon- 
tent and  heart-burnings,  all  the  corruption  and  vice  of 
the  oldest  capitals  in  Europe;  and  this  in  the  heart  of  the 
most  democratic  of  governments. 

The  policy  of   protection  for  American  industry  had 
artificially  built  up  an  inunensc    manufacturing  system 

with  its  crowds  of  operatives   dependent   on  its  success. 

The  rival  policy  of  raising  a  great  revenue  for  the  gov- 

^X  ■■ . 

»"•  ■ .  ■ » » 

'si*'*'  ■  J 

I*- i-i    ^      - 

,  ^••»:    . 
~o*    ■ " . 



,    I  if 



.    'i« 

I  ^. 

>     { 

I,  k::-'k*; 



crninont,  to  bo  oxptrnded  among  the  people  of  the  North- 
ern States,  had  reared  up  another  greedy,  intriguing, 
inHatial)le  class,  who  sou<rht  a  livinir  <Hit  of  irovernnient 
expenditures.  The  politieal  aims  (if  ev<'ry  one  of  botli 
th(;se  classes  were  exclusively  direct(;d  to  advancing  his 
indivi(hial  pecunipj-y  interest  at  the  cost  of  others, 
When  tlie  e  tvv^o  classes  unit^Ml  in  pursuit  of  any  o])ject. 
if  they  did  not  make  u[)  tlie  majority  of  the  voters, 
tlieir  influence  controlled  that  sovc.Teign  majority  in  the 
Northei-n  States,  and  through  it  ruled  tln^  country. 

A  strang(;r  in  tin;  country,  who  had  any  faith  in  the 
theories  as  to  the  simplicity,  pui'ity,  and  economy  of  re- 
publican government,  might  well  wonder'  what  occasion 
the  [J.  S.  gov(3rnment  had  for  a  lirg(3  revenue.  Its 
army  of  14,000  or  15,000  men  (in  l.SfiO)  would  have 
formed  but  one  strong  division  in  tlu  field.  AH  its  ships 
in  commission  would  form,  not  a  fleet,  but  a  scpiauron. 
IMie  civil  list  called  for  ])ut  a  small  number  of  neces- 
saiy  officials  with  very  moderate  salaries,  *n  the  ex(;cu- 
tive,  ju'licial,  and  diphjmatic  service;  and  it  was  not 
])urdened  with  the  expenses  of  a  regal  or  evt^n  vice-regal 
court.  The  interest  on  the  public  debt,  ^mount(id  to 
little  or  nothing.  Tin?  military  and  naval  expim  iitures, 
the  heaviest  burden  on  other  nations — here,  if  we  might 
judge  from  the  strength  or  rather  weakness  of  the  army 
and  navy,  was  but  {i  featli(ir  on  its  back.  What  did  the 
United   States  wiut  with  einhty  millions  of  dollars? 

How  the  money  was  spent  we  have  not  tim«'  to  show. 
We  cannot  go  into  details.  Let  the  believer  in  ivpubli- 
can  purity,  simplicity,  and  economy,  search  into  vhe 
open  vents  and  secret   leaks   by  which  the  treasury  vras 



drained.  An  army  of  custom  hons«.'  officers,  with  a  col- 
lector and  liis  staff  of  suliordi nates,  even  for  the  pettiest 
poits,  wh<!re  the  (hitics  C(jllecte<l  did  not  suHice  to  ])ay 
the  sahiries  of  the  collectors  ;  a  post  office,  with  40,()()0 
post  masters,  ami  a  yearly  <l<!fieit  of  7  or  8  millions,  to 
he  supplied  from  the  United  States  revenue  ;  numherless 
puhlic  w^orks,  civil  and  inilita-y,  affordini,'  fatjohs,  the 
profits  be  in  l;-  divided  in  secret  l>etwe('n  the  contract  )rs 
and  till!  governnitint  officials  ;  rri-eat  enterprises  not 
pnhlic,  hut  sultsidiztMl  hy  the  generous  p)ihlie,  such  as 
the  Pacific  railroad,  to  which  the  government,  besides 
money  and  hind  given,  lent  sixty  millions  in  its  ))onds, 
{.11  which  loan  we  btilieve  no  interest  has  Ix^en  paid,  and 
the  piincipal  nev(!r  will  be  paid — ^How  this  loan  was 
procured  and  appropriated  the  "  Credit  Mohiluir  "  in- 
vestigation has  unveile<l) — and  numerous  other  enter- 
prises subsidizcMl  openly  and  secretly — some  of  which 
have,  whil(!  most  of  tlwm  have  not,  been  as  clearly  ex- 
plained as  that  of  tlu;  P;icific  railroad  ;  Indian  agencies, 
where  the  agents  grew  marvellously  rich  while  cheating 
the  Indians  with  one  hand  and  the  government  with  the 
other  ;  military  post  sutler-ships,  p  ocured  in  Wasidng- 
ton  foi-  a  'consideration,'  being  licenses  to  cheat  soldiers 
and  others  at  every  out  of  the  way  post — the  least  of 
these  classes  of  consumers  of  governnnnit  revenue;  had 
Garagantua's  mouth,  with  its  capacity  t<^  swallow 

It  was  not  easy  to  supply  nil  these  demands.  But  hy 
protective  tarifis  and  governnu^nt  revenue  tariffs  the 
South  was  drained  of  its  earnings  and  wealth,  and  tlie 
North  fattened  and    enriched — until    the    people    there 

■•    -   '    . 

»  it  '    ■  ».. 


.  •      •    ■ 

.  ■  ■«■    '  ' 


I.-  *' 

■  I     • 

»  - 

i  ■   : 





1 1  ') 



ik-^t,  Ji^, 

Jr.  ?!  ■  III. 


'•1  '    '-iiif'. 

.1.  ':->%•■ 

were  utterly  corrupted,  and  completely  1  -st  .si^^'lit  of  the 
true  nature  of  the  political  institutions  under  which  they 
liad  lived.  The  Federal  «ajvernnient  was  to  them  the  ir^'cat 
hestower  of  Injunties,  and  tliey  looked  only  to  that,  mag- 
nilying  its  jurisdiction,  and  ready  to  sustain  it  in  each 
usurpation  of  power.  It  was  their  government,  and  a 
source  of  yreat  profit  to  them;  for  the  jyreat  value  of 
American  citizenship  was  the  privilege  of  taxing  other 
people's  earnings  and  property  for  your  own  benetit;  and 
no  one  enjoyed  it  more  thoroughly  than  those  who  had 
neither  earnings  nor  j)ropeity  of  their  own.  They 
opposed  and  resented  most  bitterly  every  etibrt  of  tlie 
Southern  States  and  Southern  statesmen  to  restrict  the 
measures  of  the  Federal  government  to  the  limitjd  and 
speciiied  powers  delegated  to  it  by  the  States.  This 
would  not  only  curtail  their  bread  and  butter;  it  would 
deprive  them  of  their  pate  de  foie  gras  and  champagne. 
The  I^'ederal  government  in  the  hands  of  the  people  of 
tlie  Northern  States  pi-oved  to  be  the  greatest  possible 
corru})ter  of  the  people.  The  principle  on  which  the 
country  wa-s  ruled  was,  'To  the  victors  belong  tl.e  spoil,' 
the  victor'  being  the  i:!ajoi'ity  who  cai'ried  the  elections, 
and  the  .s[  oil  wdiat  ever  couhl  be  wrung  out  of  the  hands 
of  the  minority  by  the  agency  of  government  measures 
and  legislaticjii.  Another  subordinate  principle  on  which 
they  laid  great  stress  was  rotation  in  otiice.'  According 
to  this,  by  the  time  a  man  had  served  his  apprenticeship 
in  office,  whether  administrative,  judicial  or  fiscal,  he 
should  be  turned  out  to  make  room  for  a  new  apprentice, 
especially  if  another  party  had  come  into  power.  Tlie 
labouring  people  learned  to  believe  that  the  government 

al,  he 



owed  them  a  livinLT,  or  at  least  was  lionnd  to  hrinu' 
pr()fital)le  eniployment  lujme  to  every  man's  door  in  the 
Nortli;  and  those  who  had  capital  or  credit  held  tliat  it 
was  hound  so  to  manage  the  afl'airs  of  the  puhlic  as  to 
afford  them  profitahle  investments  and  spccnlations. 
And  liheral  government  expenditure  was  the  most 
ohvious  means  of  attaining  these  ends. 

There  was  nothing-  that  the  people  of  the  North  feared 
so  much  as  lest  the  Southei-n  States  should  become  stronrj 
enough  in  nund)er,  and  in  their  population,  to  be  able  to 
protect  tliemselves  by  their  representation  and  votes  in 
Con'jress  from  unfair  legislation  and  taxation  on  the  part 
of  the  Federal  ifovernment.  Conscious  that  thev  were 
plunderinfT  their  "^  outhern  confederates  tliev  had  learned 
thoroughly  to  hate  them. 

An  earlv  indication  of  the  faithlessness  and  animositv 
of  the  North  aijainst  the  South  was  thus  exhibited: — 
Under  the  colonial  charters  Virginia  held  very  extensive 
territories  on  the  west  of  the  Alleiihanv  rauire,  extendinti: 
west  and  north-west  to  the  Mississippi  river  and  the 
lakes;  and  North  Carolina  and  Georgia  held  the  terri- 
tories west  of  them  to  the  same  river.  These  teri'itories 
had  very  few  whites  settled  in  them,  but  were  chiefly 
occupied  by  Indian  tribes.  When  a  good  many  whites 
had  settled  in  the  Kentucky  territor\%  Virginia  author- 
ized them  to  form  a  <^overnment  of  their  own.  North 
Carolina  authorized  the  white  settlers  i'l  her  Tennessee 
territory  to  form  a  government  for  themselves;  and  these 
two  new  States  were  arlmitted  into  the  Union.  Virginia 
'nan ted  the  remainder  of  its  western  territorv.  and 
Georjjfia  granted  the  whole  of  its  western  territories  to 

■  11 

•  w 




*  t« 

t  I 



im:    INITKI)   STATUS 

the   Fcdoral  <^>vennnent,  for  tlic  use  and   iM-mfit  of  all 

tlie  Stati's,  At  a  later  period  the  Federal  governnniit 
jjurehascd  from  I' ranee  its  title  to  that  vast  region,  the 
Louisiana  tejritory,  the  nionev  paid  for  it  hein«r  furnish- 
ed  hy  all  the  peojjlc  of  all  th**  States.  At  a  later  peiiod 
Flori<la  and  m.ieh  Alexican  territory  were  ac(piired  and 
ad<led  to  the  teiritoiies  or  puhlic  lands  of  the  United 
States.  All  these  lands,  exeept  sueli  particular  tracts  as 
individuals  had  ac<[uiied  titles  to  under  former  govern- 
ments, as  those  of  Spain  and  France,  the  Federal  govern- 
ment held  in  trust  for  the  benefit  of  all  the  citizens  of  all 
the  States.  They  might  be  called  (except  that  they 
were  not  in  actual  individual  possession.;  joint-t(,'nants, 
or  co-parceners  in  common  of  this  property.  C'ertainly 
the  people  of  no  one  State  had  a  greater  right  in  it,  than 
those  of  any  other  State. 

Under  the  constitution,  the  laws,  an«l  the  practice  of 
the  country,  as  long  as  this  tenitory,  or  any  part  of  it, 
remained  under  the  control  of  the  Federal  government, 
any  citizen  of  any  State,  had  the  right  to  migmte  to  any 
part  of  it  (except  the  in<lian  reserves),  carrying  with  him 
his  moveable  property  of  any  kind.  The  policy  of  the 
country  encouiaged  the  settlement  of  these  territories  ; 
and  after  making  surveys,  the  goveiTiment  habitually 
oliered  the  lap  •-:  for  sale  at  a  low  price.  Not  only 
might  any  citizen  from  any  State  j  urchase  land  there, 
but  by  settling  on  a  tract  of  land  not  exceeding  a  certain 
number  of  acres,  (100  we  believej,  he  actjuired  a  right 
of  pre-emption  at  the  government  price  ;  and  he  was 
entitled  to  legal  protection  for  all  his  personal  and 
proprietary  rights,  just  as  if  he  had  Ixien  still  in  his  own 
State  from  which  he  had  migiated. 

tice  of 
of  it, 

o  any 

jf  the 

ories  ; 



e  v/as 
1  and 
s  own 

UNMASK  i:i). 


Such  parts  of  llicse  toiritorics,  as,  from  climate,  soil, 
or  other  natural  features,  attraete«l  the  attention  of 
Southern  men  hy  liein^  favorahlc;  to  their  occupations, 
drew  many  »'mi;,n-ants  from  the  Southern  Statt;s,  and 
many  of  tluise  emi;L,'rants  carried  ne^ro  slaves  with  them. 
To  other  portions  of  this  common  territory,  dillerin^' 
from  the  former  in  climate,  soil,  or  other  traits,  emi;^rants 
from  the  Northern  States  chiefly  were  attracted.  Fewer 
Southern  mt  n  went  there,  and  few  or  none  cairied 
slaves  with  them.  When  any  part  of  this  comnidn  ter- 
ritory, large  enou^^^li  to  form  a  State,  became  sutliciently 
settled  to  need,  and  he  able  to  supj)ort  a  State  govern- 
ment, the  peo})le  there  were  permitted  to  organize;  one, 
and  were  admitted  into  the  Union  by  an  Act  of  Con- 
gress. Then  it  stood  on  the  same  footing  as  any  one  of 
the  original  thirteen  States. 

Thus  it  was  that  new  States  were  added  to  the  con- 
federation, in  accordance  with  the  <lesign  of  the  original 
thirteen  States  when  they  founded  the  Union.  Some  of 
these  new  States  were  peopled  chiefly  by  (emigrants 
from  the  Northern  States,  and  had  few  or  no  ne^'ro 
slaves  in  them.  Others  were  peopled  chiefly  from  the 
Southern  States,  had  many  negro  slaves  in  them,  and 
looked  to  have  many  more.  These  two  different  results 
hail  been  brought  about  by  geographical  and  physical 
caus(!S.  To  lei-ions  in  which  the  white  man  could  labour 
to  advantage  few  or  no  negroes  were  brought.  Where 
climate,  soil,  or  other  influences  were  adverse  to  the 
field  labour  of  the  whites,  the  negroes    were  brought  in. 

When  any  part  of  this  territory  common  to  all  the 
States  and  to  all  the   citizens  of  all  the  States,  had  thus 

■•♦■  ■  ■ .  M' 

'■"♦.5  •  •. 
•  . .  -  ' 
...  •   \ 

■*  ■  ■•' 




'■■J  t* 



3    '■  <-*^ 

become  itself  a  State — ^tlicTi,  and  not  until  tlicn,  did 
there  arise  a  sovenjii^n  jurisdiction,  in  the  new  State;, 
with  autljority  to  d(!cid(!  such  a  ([uestion  as  tlie  n^taininir 
or  f^ettini,''  rid  of  ne^M'o  slavery.  Ft  was  now  a  State,  as 
much  as  Viri^inia,  or  any  otlier  ;  anil  liad  sovereif^m 
autliority,  witliin  it-  ))orders,  on  every  matt(M'  of  irovern- 
ment  and  h'*,Mslation,  except  tliose  wli'cli  liad  ])een  ex- 
{)ressly  d(de_i(ated  to  the  Federal  ;^overnment.  So  far 
from  that  ifovernment  liavincr  anv  voice  or  iuris<liction 
in  this  matter,  it  was  ])Ound  to  aceoid  to  the  new  State 
re|»r(!sentation  for  three-fifths  of  the  slaves  in  it  ;  and 
(!veiy  Nortljern  State  had  hound  itself  to  ,i:,nv(3  up  every 
fu<(itive  slave  found  within  its  borders,  on  application 
of  the  State  from  which  the  slave  had  fled. 

It  must  ])e  remembered  that  the  rinht,  that  is  the 
possession  and  control,  which  men  (!xercise<l  ovc^r  their 
slaves  seldom,  in  any  aL,n'  or  country,  originated  in  legal 
enactment.  It  was  a  practical  right  which  legal  enact- 
ments found  men  in  possession  of,  in  many  countrit^s  and 
und(!r  various  circumstances.  The  ori<dn  and  ()])iect  of 
laws  in  human  society  is,  not  to  grant  rights,  but  to 
protect  riglits  wliicli  men  have  ac<piired  and  possess — 
but  find  to  be  insufficiently  secured  to  them.  The  law 
was  called  in  to  recognize,  legulate,  and  secui'e  to  the 
possessors  that  whicli  they  obviously  held.  'I'he  law  no 
more  gave  them  possession  of  their  slaves,  than  of  their 
horses,  and  cattle,  and  household  goods.  The  law  which 
punishes  the  horse-thief  adds  nothing  to  the  proprietary 
right  of  the  owner,  but  it  adds  much  to  his  sccuiity  in 
the  enjoyment  of  his  right.  Even  admitting  that  the 
State   governments   were  wrong  not   to  abolish   negro 


(is  and 
icct  of 

lUt  to 
;.SL'SS — 
to  the 

aw  no 






slavery — a  matter  within  their  jurisdiction — for  their 
conunon  a^aint,  for  tlu;  Federal  government,  creat(;d  for, 
and  limited    to  other    special    matters    of  h'gislation,  to 


legislate    as  to    negro  slavery,  was    an  actor  |)ure 
outrageous  usuf})ation.      liut  it  was ordy  the  culminating 
act  of  a  long  series  of  usurpations. 

The  people  of  the  Northern  states  having  long  drawn 
immense  trihute  from  the  South  throui^h  the  Fecleral 
government  by  its  plundering  taiifl'system  for  jiiotection 
and  reviinue,  feared  lest  the  Southern  States  might  grow 
too  numerous,  populous,  and  strong,  to  continue  tosuhiidt 
to  this  system  of  plunder,  particularly  at'tc^r  tiie  acquisi- 
tion of  extensive  territories  in  the  South,  resulting  fiom 
the  ann(!xation  of  Texas  and  the  war  with  Mexico. 
They  at  once  exhihited  increased  hostility  to  the  ScMith, 
and  laboured  to  put  a  brand  of  infiiriority  up(,n  it.  They 
claimed  that  (Jongrciss  had,  andshoidd  exercise  the  right 
to  prevent  any  part  of  the  connnon  territory  becoming  a 
slave-holding  State,  even  though  it  had  been  peopled  by 
enngrants  from  the  South,  taking  their  slaves  thither 
with  them.  Many  of  the  Northern  States  nuide  it 
criminal  to  arrest  or  assist  in  arresting  the  very  fugitive 
slaves  which  the  State  had  pledged  itself,  under  the 
treaty  of  the  Union,  to  deliver  to  the  owners.  And  on 
some  occasions  when  fugitive  slaves  were  arrested  under 
process  issuing  from  the  U.  S.  courts,  the  people  resisted 
the  oiiicers,  in  sonn;  cases  killing  them,  ami  rescued  the 
fugitives.  Organized  societies  in  the  North  employed 
agents  to  tamper  with  the  negroes  in  the  South,  in  order 
to  render  them  dissatisfi(;d,  and  induce  them  to  run  away; 
and  they  provided  the  means  to  facilitate  their  escape. 

>  ,1.   -  .w  I 

*'J    -  r. 

,  ■»  * ,  ^  ■ 

.  .■-:  *- 
<-■*,.■    , 


"     ''•V 

'•J  . 


<0        <^      /,    ^ 





f^-^  IIIIIM    1112.5 

my  |||||Z2 



1.25      1.4 


^ 6"     — 













WEBSTER,  NY.  14S80 

(716)  872-4503 


■1  .'  « 




I  t'l. 



H  ■■■■ 

J  • .. 

t  ••  i^ 






This  thcv  called  their  under  ground  railroad.  The} 
boasted  publicly  of  the  success  of  these  intriguini^ opera- 
tions against  their  Southern  confederates.  But  in  truth, 
their  success  was  small,  more  aggravating  than  injunous. 
the  fugitive  ne;j:roes  never  beini;  numerous.  It  served 
chiefly  to  show  their  animosity  against  their  confeder- 
ates, and  their  shameless  violatioji  of  the  pledges  they 
ha<l  given  when  confederating  with  them. 

When  ever  people  arrive  at  the  conviction  that  slave- 
holding  is  sinful,  the}'  are  in  conscience  bound  to  give  it 
up  at  once.  This  is  true  of  individuals  and  of  nations. 
But  we  cannot  tolerate  a  one-sided  conscience.  The  peo- 
ple of  the  North  by  this  time  held  no  slaves.  They  had 
not  foimd  them  profitable,  anrl  had  sold  most  of  those 
that  were  saleable  to  their  Southern  confederat'-s.  But, 
in  order  to  secure  a  confederated  union  with  the  South, 
they  had  covenn-nted  to  allow  them  additional  representa- 
tion in  Congress  for  three-fifths  of  their  slaves,  and  each 
State  pledged  itself  to  deliver  up  fugitives  from  labour 
and  service,  that  is,  slaves,  on  the  demand  of  the  confed- 
erate from  whom  they  had  fled.  They  did  these  things 
willingly,  in  order  to  secure  a  political  and  commercial 
union  with  the  slave-holding  States,  because  they  de- 
rived great  profit  from  that  union — and  those  conditions 
were  the  price  they  were  willing  to  pay  for  it. 

When  their  newly  enlightened  consciences  taught  them 
that  this  union  with  the  slave-holder  "  was  a  covenant 
with  Hell"  as  they  now  learned  to  call  it,  they  Avere  in 
an  awkward  dilemma.  Yet  they  might  have  found  an 
honest  way  out  of  it.  No  doubt  mi'n  have  a  right  to 
rescind  a  contract  that  binds  them  to  a  crime.     To  take 





the  highost  possible  ease,  notlnii;^  VmiI  the  want  of  en- 
Hijhtennien't  of  conseience  leads  to  the  fulfilment  of  a 
pledge  like  Jephtha's  vow.  But  he  who  refuses  to  ful- 
fil a  criminal  compact,  must  not  claim  the  reward  that 
temptetl  him  to  make  it.  The  newly  conscientious 
Northern  States  might  have  rescin<led  their  "covtMiant 
with  Hell"  as  they  called  their  compact  of  union  with  the 
unrepentant  slave-holding  South.  They  might  have 
seceded  from  union  with  it.  But  on  what  plea  could 
tl:ey  annul  such  articles  of  the  treaty  <if  T^nion  as  had 
become  distasteful  to  them,  vet  claim  the  fulfilment  of 
such  other  provisions  of  the  treaty  as  were  ]>rofital)le  to 

Yet  this  difficulty  seems  never  to  have  startled  the 
conscience  of  this  most  conscientious  people,  or  ever  to 
have  occurred  to  the  mind  of  any  of  them,  except  one 
crazy  Yankee  orator,  who  once  urged  secession  from  the 
slave-holding  South,  but  was  cpiickly  silenced,  and  did 
not  himself  adluTe  to  this  honest  policy. 

The  simple  truth  is  that  every  Northern  man  felt  that 
the  North  was  deriving  innnense  profits  from  its  political 
union  with  the  slave-holding  States;  and  if  he  were  a 
clear  headed  man  who  understood  the  fiscal  polic}'  of  the 
jrovernment,  he  knew  that  these  immense  Northern 
profits  were  the  proceeds  of  a  system  of  taxation,  that  was 
no  better  than  the  robber^'  of  one  part  of  the  confeder- 
ation for  the  benefit  of  the  other.  But  the  anti-slaverv 
party  proclaimed  and  believed  that  the  South  would 
yield  (piite  as  much  and  more  plunder,  when  cultivated 
by  free  negroes,  as  by  slaves.  They  ha<l  no  fears  of 
losing  money  by  emancipating  the  slaves  of  their  Cott- 


H-  *  ( 


■ik"    "  "• 

'iff'*    ' 


■  i  1 



.  •*    • 






*  *:• 


4   » 

'  5 

federates,  or  their  consciences  would  have  failed  to  carry 
them  through  the  task  they  imposed  upon  tliemselves. 
Their  aim  was  to  yoke  conscience  and  i)r()fit  together. 

Tliere  is  a  fascination  in  the  conviction  tliat  we  are 
more  righteous  than  our  ncughhours,  which  leads  us  to 
dwell  up(m  that  belief,  and  on  the  feelings  generated  by 
it.  There  is  too  something  grand  and  heroic  in  that 
j)hilanthropy  which  busies  itself  in  I'ighting  great  wrongs 
committed  by  other  peojile,  especially  when  remote  from 
us  ;  for  they  best  admit  of  embellishment  from  the  glow- 
ir.g  colours  of  the  imagination.  And  to  too  many  hearts 
it  is  intensely  gratifying  to  find  an  object  for  unlimited 
denunciation  and  vituperation.  It  would  be  curious  and 
peihaps  instructive  to  collect  choice  samples  of  the 
phraseology  of  the  orators  who  denounced  negro  slavery 
and  the  Southern  slaveholders.  They  exhausted  eveiy 
known  anathema,  invente>l  new  ones,  and  exhausted 
them;  yet  the  mouths  of  these  same  orators  might  be 
full  the  next  moment  of  jjraises  of  tlic  Pilgrim  Fathers 
of  Massachusetts,  wlio  held  tliirir  slaves,  indian  and 
negro,  by,  we  must  suppose,  especial  license  from 
heaven.  It  would  not,  however,  be  so  safe  to  conclude 
that  these,  intlignant  philanthrophists  could  never  have 
Ijeen  themselves  seduced  into  the  sins  they  denounced, 
as  to  remember  that  tht-v  were  far  remote  from  the 
opportunity  and  temptation  to  commit  them.  It  was 
commonly  remarke<l  in  the  South  that  such  Northern 
men  as  came  thithtu*,  and  became  slave-holders,  usually 
proved  the  most  exacting  of  masters  ;  while  their 
brethren  in  the  North  certainly  made  no  scruples,  and 
used  every  device,  for  exacting  all  they  could  out  of  the 





of  the 

proci'tMls   of  So^^lli•rn    iiidiistrv  liy  a    uuy^i    frau«lnk*nt 
system  of  taxation. 

AIt]iou;,di  tlie  fL'olin;jjs  of  hostility  an«l  <K'prcciation 
towards  the  Southern  Statics,  as  slave-holdinir  cfMiiniu- 
nities.  pervach'd  tlu;  nhoh?  North,  exeeptinj,'  a  class  of 
individuals  rather  respeetaV)le  than  nuniorous,  yi*t  for  a 
long  time  the  anti-slavery  party  pure  and  siinple, 
seemed  to  l)e  an  increasin<;  minority,  hiit  not  a  fast- 
ii^rowing  party  rapidly  ahsorhini^  all  othfiN.  The  Imlk 
of  the  lahourinir  class  at  the  North  indicated,  hv  their 
treatment  of  tlie  fiee-coloured  peo[)le  auHUig  then),  that 
they  were  not  so  nnich  hent  on  the  al)oliti«m  of  slavery, 
as  on  the  abolition  of  the  negro,  as  sometliing  that  stood 
in  their  way.  But  tin;  mass  of  the  people,  and  yet  more 
of  the  merchants,  capitalists  and  politicians,  felt  that, 
for  the  peace  of  the  country  and  the  profit  of  the  North, 
this  'Question  of  neuro  slaverv  must  !•»•  handl»'d  with 
great  delicacy,  and  as  far  as  possible  let  alone.  They 
disclaimed  for  the  Federal  LTovernnu'nt  anv  iuiisdiction 
in  the  matter,  except  jx'rhaps  in  the  territories.  Among 
the  multitude  of  evidences  of  this,  it  is  onlv  necessarv 
to  refer  to  one  :  the  inaugural  address  of  him  who 
proved  to  he  the  abolition  President,  disclaims  all  right 
to  meddle  with  slavery  in  the  States.  The  connuercial 
prosperity  and  financial  credit  of  the  whole  North  was 
based  chiefly  on  the  produce  of  tli«;  Southern  States;  and 
most  people  in  the  North  professed  to  be  angered  at  the 
violence  of  the  genuine  anti-slavery  party,  and  alarmed 
at  its  rapid  growth,  fearing  an  interruption  of  the  profit- 
able condition  of  tra(h*  and  finance.  While  this  lasted 
the  fiscal  policy  of  the  government  secured  to  them  too 







i  ••.. 


1 1'^ 



t   ' 

lar^a;  a  sliaro  of  tlie  proceeds  of   slave    labour,  for  them 
to  desire  the  abolition  iA'  negro  slavery. 

Tlu;  people  of  th<;  Southern  States,  as  a  body,  had  been 
exceedinijfly  blind  to  the  nature  anil  effects  of  the  artful 
fiscal  policy  by  which  the  North  had  been  long  robbing 
them.  It  inv<jlved  too  many  explanations  to  be  made 
clear  to  the  masses.  But  they  were  not  deaf  to  the  un- 
measured denunciations  and  falsehoods  their  Northern 
confe<lerates  had  been  long  preaching  and  publishing 
against  them.  Nor  were  they  blind  t(j  the  demonstra- 
tions and  overt  acts  of  hostility  ventured  upon  by  the 
more  virulent  of  the  anti-slavery  party.  But  here  was, 
or  seemed  to  be,  a  numerous  party  in  the  North,  who 
professed  to  adhere  to  the  terms  of  the  compact  on 
which  the  union  of  the  States  had  been  formed  ;  and 
who  loudly  protested  against  the  aggressions  of  the 
Northern  States  and  people  against  their  Southern 
confederates.  Putting  faith  in  this  party,  and  acting 
with  it,  the  Southern  States  still  hoped  to  be  able  to 
lemain  in  the  Union  with  self-respect  and  safety. 

An  election  of  President  of  the  United  States  was  to 
come  on  late  in  1800,  and  the  whole  Union  was  greatly 
agitated  by  the  canvass.  The  anti-slavery  party  chose 
for  their  candidate  an  until  lately  obscure  man — of  little 
capacity  or  attainments,  except  as  wliat  is  called  a 
stump  (^I'ator.  He  had  a  genius  for  diverting  a  rude 
Western  crowd  with  fuimy  stories  and  coarse  witticisms. 
Some  able  speeches  were  delivered  by  him,  but  they 
were  prepared  by  another  man.  His  own  serious  efforts 
only  proved  his  ignorance  aud  shallowness.  But  he 
was  popular  in  the   great  North-west,   and  was  a  man 




whom  tlie  party  knew  how  to  use  for  their  purposes. 
Another  party  which  expressly  disclaimed  for  tlie  Fed- 
eral government  an}'  right  to  interfere  with  slavery  in 
the  States,  but  claimed  for  it  the  right  to  prohibit  it  in 
the  common  territoi-ies,  nominated  for  their-  candidate 
an  eminent  Noith western  politician,  the  zealous  ex- 
pounder of  'Stjuatt^ir  Sovereignty.'  A  third  party  of  no 
definite  views,  except  peace  at  any  price,  brought  out 
their  candidate.  And  a  fourth,  consisting  of  tlie  people 
of  the  Southern  States  and  such  people  in  the  North  as 
maintained  the  permanence  and  sanctity  of  the  terms, 
on  which  tlie  Union  had  been  formed,  and  the  limita- 
tions on  the  powers  of  the  Federal  government,  nominat- 
ed their  candidate.  The  result  was  that  the  anti-slav- 
ery party  carried  every  Northern  State,  and  the  elec- 
tion— the  fourth  party  cari-ied  every  Southern  State, 
and  the  other  parties  were  nowhere. 

The  people  of  the  Southern  States  now  found  that 
they  were  living  under  a  government  completely  in  the 
hands  of  their  enemies,  utterly  hostile  to  their  rit'hts  and 
interests,  and  claiming  a  right  not  only  to  surround  and 
hedge  them  out  from  all  right  in  the  common  territories, 
and  reduce  them  to  complete  and  hopeless  subjection, 
but  to  revolutionize  their  internal  political  and  social 
ortranization.  This  was  not  the  confederation  into  which 
they  had  entered;  this  was  not  th(3  government  which 
they  had  joined  in  creating.  ITnless  they  could  submit 
to  be  revoluticmized  by  external  enemies,  and  become 
mere  tributary  provinces  to  them,  it  was  high  time  to 
break  oft*  all  connection  with  utterly  faithless  confeder- 
ates, wliom  the  most  solemn  treaty  could  not  bind.     The 





I  ir 

■  i'i.  •  f  «■    ■! 

"M    '■ 

'n.,  ■  . 








I'  "'. 

r  y 


•  ■  I 



^.    :'%■■■ 

i  •". 


■  t. 





Southern  States  l)egan  to  secede  from  the  Union  in 
iaj>i«l  succession,  and  war  was  made  upon  the  South  to 
force  thein  back  into  it. 

We  shall  make  little  comment  on  the  war.  But  tlie 
pcoi)le  of  the  Soutli  were  surprised  to  see  those  Northern 
politicians,  mercliants,  capitalists,  and  others  who  made 
up  the  ])emocratic  party  there,  and  who  had  joined  in 
loudly  protesting'  against  the  usurpations  of  the  govern- 
ment and  th(^  aj'i'ressions  on  the  South — to  see  these 
men  tln-ow  tliemselves  into  the  arms  of  the  n<'w  admin- 
istration, seek  from  it  office  and  military  commands  and 
profitable  contracts,  and  become  the  zealous  sustainers 
of  every  measure  to  crush  the  South.  A  few  months 
after  proclaiming  its  wrongs,  they  were  eagerly  making 
war  upon  it  This  seemed  strange;  yet  their  conduct  is 
easily  explained.  Wldle  tliey  could  keep  the  South  in 
the  Union,  they  enjoyed  the  profits  of  negro  slave  labour. 
If  the  South  seceded  they  lost  all  the  profits  of  slave- 
labour.  The  names  of  these  men  are  legion,  as  the 
political  journals  of  1800-1  clearly  show. 

But  there  were  examples  of  very  ditterent  conduct 
among  the  most  eminent  men  in  the  North.  The  Ex- 
President  Franklin  Pierce  continued  to  pronounce  the 
grievances  complained  of  by  the  South  to  be  real,  and  the 
conduct  of  the  North  and  of  the  government  a  series  of 
outrages.  Ex-President  Filmore,  when  urged  by  a  great 
popular  assembly  in  New  York  to  become  a  mediator 
between  the  North  and  the  South,  for  the  preservation 
of  the  Union,  replied: — 'Let  the  people  and  the  legisla- 
tive assemblies  of  the  North  make  redress  for  their  out- 
rages, and  repeal  their  unconstitutional  acts,  and  I  will 




Lflndly  fjo  to  inoiliate  for  tin'  Tiiion.  But  until  they  do 
that,  I  wi!l  not  lnulj^'e  one  step."  The  secession  of  several 
States  oreurrin;(  (hiriiiij  tlie  last  niontlis  of  Presiihrnt 
Huehanan's  adniinistr.ition.  he  both  hv  words  and 
actions  showed  tliat  lie  lield  the  ;^rievances  of  the  SoJith- 
ein  States  to  be  real,  and  felt  ;;reat  scruples  at  using 
force  to  keep  them  in  the  Union.  But  tlie  Northern 
pressure  broui^lit  to  bear  upon  liini  wa>  overwht'luiin*,'. 
Mr.  Charles  O'Connor  of  New  York,  a  man  of  hi^h  and 
unspott(»d  character,  and  the  most  eminent  lawyer  in  the 
United  States,  ])tililislied  an  elaborate  address  to  the 
public,  maintaininif  the  rijjjht  of  any  state  to  secede  fr  an 
the  Union  on  tlie  violation,  by  other  States  or  by 
the  Federal  ;;overnment,  of  its  ri'dits  under  the  Consti- 
tution;  and  he  scouted  at  the  idea  that  either  the 
{government  or  the  other  States  had  a  shadow  of  ri<(ht 
to  use  forc(;  to  retain  the  seceding  State  in  the  Union. 
And  five  years  after,  when  the  war  was  over,  the  South 
conquered,  and  the  (,'onfederate  President,  Jc^ti'erson 
Davis  a  prisoner  in  Fortress  Monroe,  Mr.  0'(.\>nnor  at 
once  offered  himself  as  his  counsel;  maintainiu'^  the  im- 
possibility of  convlctini^  him  of  any  crime.  The  govern- 
ment reluctantly  perct'ive  1  this  impossibility  of  ctmvic- 
tion  on  any  charge  that  couM  bear  legal  scrutiny.  Some 
months  after  Abraham  Lincoln  had  bev'ome  Presi<lent, 
Chief  Justice  Taney,  for  nearly  thirty  years  the  head  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  the  highest 
judicial  authority  in  the  Union,  had  occasion  to 
pronounce,  judicially,  that  the  measures  of  the  govern- 
ment and  the  conduct  of  the  President  and  his  subor- 
dinates amounted  to  tlie  overthrow  of  the  Constitution 

(,■:■»*    . 






♦    ■      •    .: 

1  M    ,  ■  ^  ! 

•^      ■■■:, 


k  ■-,il 


1    Vi 

arnl  a  tramplirifj  on  all  law.  But  military  officers,  with 
the  sanction  of  the  President,  thrust  aside  the  writs  of 
habeas  corpus  issued  from  the  U.  S.  courts,  with  the 
utmost  contempt. 

On  the  breaking  out  of  the  P^nglish  revolution  in  1088, 
Sergeant  Maynard,  a  luminary  of  the  English  bar, 
liastened  to  join  the  standard  of  William,  Prince  of 
Orange;  who,  on  seeing  liim,  bluntly  said: — 'From  your 
extreme  age  you  must  have  outlive<l  all  tl»e  lawyers  of 
your  day."  "If  your  Higlmess  had  not  come  quickly" 
he  answered  "I  should  have  outlived,  not  only  the 
lawyers  but  the  law."  Less  happy  than  the  Nestor  of 
the  English  bar,  the  Chief  Justice  now  found  that,  in  his 
extreme  old  age,  he  had  outlived  the  law. 

There  was  no  right  more  expressly  acknowledged  and 
fully  secured  to  the  people  than  the  right  to  keep  and 
bear  arms.  It  was  a  right  that  lay  at  the  very  foun- 
dation of  government,  both  State  and  Federal — and  the 
most  essential  element  in  the  security  of  the  liberties 
and  the  rights  of  the  citizen.  Nor  was  any  right  more 
fully  in  the  hands  of  the  States,  according  to  the  Con- 
stitution, the  laws,  and  the  custom  of  the  country,  than 
that  of  officering,  arming,  and  training  the  milLtia.  This 
was  the  military  force  of  the  State,  and  the  Federal 
government  could  only  obtain  the  services  of  any  part 
of  it  by  applying  to  a  State  government  for  it.  Further, 
if  there  was  anything  well  established  in  the  Union  by 
the  Constitution,  the  laws,  and  the  customs  of  the 
country,  it  was  the  freedom  of  internal  commerce.  Any 
man  had  a  right  to  buy  anything  offered  for  sale,  and 
carry  it  to  any  part  of  the  Union  without  hindrance. 

•    i 

'  .'.it 




Yet  when,  U-foio  the  Soutliern  States  liad  s«ce«lo<l 
from  the  Union,  many  individuals  in  the  South  and 
some  of  the  State  ^.overnments,  liecominjL^ alarmed  at  the 
threatening  a^pect  of  affairs  and  the  unarnuMl  condition 
of  the  South,  attempted  to  purchase  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion, the  Nortiiern  people  and  State  «^o\eniments  were 
at  once  awake  and  active.  The  police  of  the  States 
and  the  cities  w«!re  set  to  watch  eveiy  shipment  hy 
coa-st,  river  and  railroa*!  ;  and  all  arms  consigned  to  any 
one  suspt  cted  of  connection  with  the  South  were  at 
once  seized  upon.  All  legal  right  was  trampled  upon. 
It  was  assumed  that  the  Southern  States  were  already 
subject  provinces  preparing  for  re))ellion. 

These  <loings  were  loudly  protested  against  even  at 
the  North.  The  New  York  Herahl,  among  others,  de- 
nounced it  as  "  a  clearly  illegal  proceeding,  in  violation 
of  the  Constitution,  and  without  the  sanction  of  any 
law  of  the  State.  It  is  an  unwarrantable  outrage  on 
the  rights  of  private  property,  6lc." 

Fernando  Wood,  Mayor  of  New  York,  in  reply  to  the 
inquiries  of  Mr.  Toombs,  Senator  from  Georgia,  says: 
"  I  regret  to  say  that  arms  intended  for  and  consigned 
to  the  State  of  Georgia  have  been  seized  by  the  police; 
but  the  city  of  New  York  should  in  no  w^ay  be  made 
responsible  for  the  outrage.  As  mayor  I  have  no 
authority  over  the  police.  If  I  had  the  power,  I  .should 
summarily  punish  the  authors  of  this  unjustifiable 
seizure  of  private  property." 

How  came  the  Southern  members  of  this  Federal 
republic  to  be  so  destitute  of  arms  and  armament? 
The  States  had  for  many   years  neglected   to  keep  up 


-1* ' 

, »-  * 

,'■-  ■»'•  ■• 
■  ■t    • 

'■''         tf  '  1 


■t  .- 

■  t 

M  1   '    ' 




■..I    •    . 

i  « 

I « 



any  cfticit'nt  arsonal.s  of  their  own,  relying  on  those  of 
the  common  government  in  all  contingencies.  The  Fed- 
eral iTovernment  had  in  sttre  large  amounts  of  arms 
and  ordnance,  procured  hy  contract,  or  made  at  itf*  own 
establishments,  all  of  which,  exeei)t  one  on  the  NortluMn 
border  of  Virginia,  were  in  the  Northern  States.  These 
arms,  when  received,  were  distrihuted  among  many 
depots,  some  of  which  were  in  the  Southern  States. 

President  Buchanan's  Secretary  of  War  was  John  B. 
Flo}*!,  wlio  had  been  (Jovernor  of  Virginia,  as  liis  father 
had  l)een  before  him.  Both  had  b(M.'n  strenuous  main- 
tainers  of  the  rights  of  the  South(;rn  States  in  opposition 
to  tlu^  aggr(!ssions  of  the  N(»rth.  Sud«lenly  there  arose 
at  the  North  a  loud  outcry  that  this  Southerner  had 
availed  liimself  of  his  position,  as  head  of  the  War  De- 
partment, to  transfer  large  amounts  of  arms  from  the 
North  to  the  South,  in  anticipation  of  Secession  ;  thus 
arming  the  'rebels'  while  he  disarme<l  the  true  men  and 
their  government.  For  tlie  people  there  almost  univer- 
sally looked  upon  the  Federal  government,  with  its 
powers  and  means,  as  something  belonging  to  them- 
selves. It  was  not  for  one  moment  remembered  that 
any  property  in  the  hands  of  the  government  belonged 
quite  as  much  to  the  people  of  the  South  as  of  the 

When  Congress  promptly  investigated  this  charge,  the 
facts  at  once  explained  and  refuted  it.  There  had  been 
great  neglect  for  years  in  replenishing  the  depots 
(called  arsenals)  at  the  South.  But  the  United  States, 
now  following  the  example  of  European  governments, 
had  of  late  been  laying  aside  the  smooth-bored  musket, 



and  old-fasliionod  riflo,  .sul)stitutin<'  the  Minio  riflo 
in  their  place.  In  Deceniher,  18.')l),  Seerctaiy  Fh)yd 
had  ordered  11.5,000  anus  of  thfse  anti(|iiati!d  patt«;rns 
to  be  sent  to  Southern  arsenals,  to  make  room  for  the 
new  arms  in  the  Northern  armories.  The  arsenals  in  the 
South  received  not  one  of  these  improved  weapons.  In 
the  issue,  one  of  the  «jdds  again>t  the  Southern  troops  was 
having  to  contend  against  an  enemy  provided  with  the 
new  and  superior  weapon.  A  large  portion  of  the  better 
arms  they  afterwafils  obtained  were  taken  on  the  battle- 
field from  defeated  enemies.  Notwithstanding  the  evi- 
dence to  the  contrary,  Secretary  Floyd  was  persistently 
charged  with  treason,  for  sending  ll.l.OOO  old  muskets 
to  dejiots  in  the  South,  although  President  Buchanan 
pointed  out  the  fact  that  500,000  of  these  old  weapons 
still  encumbered  the  arsenals  in  the  North.  Had  Floyd 
foreseen  the  secession  of  the  Southern  States,  perhaps 
he  would  have  taken  care  that  there  should  be  a  more 
equal  distribution  of  government  arms  and  munitions  of 
war  among  States,  each  of  which  had  an  ecjual  right  to 
them.  Yet  Pi'esident  Lincoln,  in  his  message  to  Con- 
gress on  the  5th  of  July,  1801,  did  not  scruple  to  assert 
that  *  a  disproportioned  amount  of  arms  and  nmnitions 
of  Avar  had  some  how  found  themselves  in  the  Southern 

Thus  the  Northern  States  and  their  people  had  control 
of  the  government,  with  its  treasury  and  credit,  of  the 
army  and  forts,  of  the  navy,  with  the  power  of  blockading 
the  Southern  coast;  and  they  lost  no  time  in  using  that 
power.  The  South,  which  had  chiefly  paid  for  all  these 
things,  and  had  an  equal  right  to  them,  had  no  part  of 


1           . 



tii'-r  ;■ 




•  :f'  . 



.  \^  J " 


-..-■r  f  (*•'. 

j'j4,  .  .. 

.'•»    ^•'•.  • 


1  ,  .      M     '^ 

•iU,  *   ''^ 


I  ri^  '^ 

•-•rf    >  • 

'.  *<»  '. - 

:.  M-i-'*  ;■■ 

"•*:     , .  ' 

.)t:    '•..  • 

v^-  : 


■■'.*»     "''. 

'     .      '  ** 

i  ;t 





M     , 

*"  ^t 

Mil         ♦  ■.  " 

1 1  m\ 



i  ' 

If  l.f> 


thoin.  Tru(3  to  its  policy  of  dniinin^  all  it  could  from 
the  South,  and  rcturnin«,' as  little  as  possilile,  tho  <ifovern- 
niont  niado  nearly  all  its  military,  naval  cand  other  ex- 
penditures at  tlic  North,  and  kept  the  results  there, 
except  the  arnianients  of  a  few  forts,  as  Fortress  Monroe, 
Fort  Sumter,  Pulaski,  Pickens,  and  others,  which  served 
as  bridles  in  the  mouths  of  Southern  harbours.  The 
people  of  the  North  seemed  to  aim  at  keepin«]r  the  Soutli 
in  the  condition  of  the  Israelites  under  the  iron  rule  of 
the  Philistines,  'There  was  no  smith  in  all  the  land  of 
Israel;  for  the  Philistines  said — lest  the  Hebrews  make 
them  swords  and  spears.' 

The  people  of  the  Northern  States  made  several  jj^ross 
blunders  in  estimating  the  condition  of  the  South. 
(Talle}  rand  tells  us  that,  in  politics,  a  blunder  is  worse 
than  a  crime.)  Thev  had  tau'dit  themselves  to  believe 
that  the  South  would  be  yet  more  productive  and  profit- 
able to  them  under  free  negro  labour  than  under  slave 
labour.  They  looked  upon  the  condition  and  feelings  of 
the  negroes  as  identical  with  that  of  prisoners  unj.ustly 
shut  up  in  gaol.  They  believ^nl  that  the  people  of  the 
South  felt  that  they  were  sitting  on  a  volcano — 
knowing  that  the  negroes  were  only  waiting  on  their 
northern  friends  for  the  signal  for  insurrection  to  rise  in 
arms  against  their  cruel  oppressors;  and  that  under 
this  fear  the  people  of  the  South  dared  not  resist  the 
aggressions  of  the  North  and  of  the  government  under 
their  control. 

The  people  of  the  South  and  their  leaders  committed 
manv  and  great  blunders.  But  we  will  onlv  name  one 
which  we  think  the  first  and  greatest  of  all.     The  poli- 


.  J 


e  one 
;  poll- 



ticians,  ur«^in;jf  on  tlie  people  tlie  n«;cossity  of  seceding 
from  the  Union,  luiiversally  pronounced  secession  to  be 
a  j)eaeeful  ri»(lit.  And  si)  it  was.  The  terms  of  tlie  treaty 
which  had  united  the  States  into  a  confe<kMation  Ijuvinjr 
heen  grossly,  repeatedly,  and  notoriously  violated  by 
the  Northern  States,  to  tlie  injury  of  the  Southern,  any 
one  or  all  of  tliem  ]»ad  a  right  to  declare  the  treaty 
null  and  voi<l,  and  withdraw  from  the  Union.  This  was 
a  peaceful  right  and  no  act  of  hostility.  But  the  poli- 
ticians went  beyond  this  and  assure<l  the  people  that 
secession  would  ])rove  a  peaceful  remedy  for  their 
wi'ongs.  This  was  as  gross  an  absurdity  as  any  man, 
calling  himself  a  statesman  could  utter.  The  people  of 
the  Northern  States  hail  control  of  the  Federal  i^overn- 
ment  and  of  all  its  powers  and  resources;  they  had  been 
for  years  in  the  enjoyment  of  large  contributions  or 
rather  tribute  from  tlie  inihistry  antl  fertility  of  the 
South;  their  prosperity  had  been  largely,  we  think 
chieHy  built  upon  these  contributions,  an* I  must  decline 
on  their  withdrawal.  Now  it  is  Hying  in  the  face  of  all 
history  and  all  experience  in  human  nature  to  suppose 
that  any  people  or  government,  with  large  means  of 
waging  war,  will  abandon  possession  of  rich  tributary 
territories  without  first  striving  to  retain  them  by  force 
<if  arms.  It  matters  not  whether  the  tribute  is  the 
result  of  robbery  or  of  right.  They  will  tiglit  rather 
than  give  it  up. 

Some  individuals  in  the  South  uttered  earnest  warn- 
ings that  secession  meant  war,  for  it  must  lead  to  it;  and 
urged  prompt  preparation  for  it.  But  they  had  not  the 
ear  of  the  people.     If   the   South   had  any  statesmen, 

I.  ^    *i  y 

-  r  r  » 


■•»»   * 

-•  -^  •  <* 



1  .:^^ 

1';       '' 

*'■     "    ^       • 

t  - 

ii  ■ 



their  counsels  were  not  heard  amid  the  harangues  of 
politicians;  and  the  States  which  seceded  went  out  of 
the  Union,  with  the  most  flimsy  preparations  for  main- 
taining in  arms  the  step  they  had  taken.  The  most  im- 
portant provisions  made  for  defence  were  due  to  the 
foresight  and  activity  of  a  few  individuals. 

In  the  war  that  ensued  the  five  millions  of  whites  in 
the  seceding  Confederate  States  had  to  fight  their  own 
battles,  half  armed,  and  cut  off  from  the  outside  world: 
but  the  twenty-two  millions  in  the  Northern  States, 
supplied  the  deficiencies  of  the  U.  S,  armaments  by  draw- 
ing supplies  from  all  Europe.  But  what  they  seemed 
most  to  need  were  fighting  men;  for  they  continued  to 
otter  higher  and  higher  bounties,  until  they  had  enlisted 
a  quarter  of  a  million  of  Irish  and  another  of  Germans, 
many,  perhaps  most  of  them  fresh  from  home,  tempted 
not  only  by  high  l)Ouuties,  but  by  the  hope  of  free  farms 
from  the  lands  of  the  'rebels'  which  were  freely, 
although  privately  promised  them.  We  can  hardly  have 
over-stated  the  number  of  foreigners  in  the  U.  8.  army. 
At, the  end  of  the  war  the  number  of  mtii  in  the  service 
was  one  million.  The  report  of  the  Surgeon-General  of 
the  United  States  certifies  that  the  majority  of  those 
who  came  into  the  hospitals  were  Irish  and  Germans. 
And  the  Confederates  found  that  a  great  part  of  the 
prisoners  they  took  had  not  left  Ireland  o»-  Germany 
long.  The  Yankees  themselves  much  preferred  army 
contracts  to  military  service. 

After  a  four  years'  bloody  struggle  the  Confederate 
States  were  overrun  and  conquered ;  the  negroes,  who 
had  remained  quiet  all  the  time,  were  emancipated,  the 

les  of 

out  of 
ist  ini- 
:o   the 

ites  in 
r  own 
world ; 

iiied  to 
^  farms 

ly  have 
.  army, 
lerai  of 

of  the 

1  army 

L>s,  who 
,ted,  the 



State  governments  were  overthrown,  an<l  the  people 
thorou^dily  plundered.  In  truth,  many  of  the  later 
military  expeditions  were  little  else  than  cotton  stealing 
raids,  which  well  account  for  the  sudden  wealth  of  nimy 
officers,  from  the  commander  in  chief  downw^ards.  But 
mere  plunder  did  not  satisfy  them.  Two  facts  indicate 
the  spirit  which  actuated  the  Northern  government  and 
armies.  When  their  columns,  marching  through  the 
country,  came  to  a  house  of  the  better  class,  which  was 
deserted  by  the  family  for  fear  of  being  robbed  and  in- 
sulted, they  usujilly  burned  it  as  the  home  of  a  traitor,  and 
sometimes  burned  a  whole  town  to  unhouse  a  nest  of 
traitors.  Yet  more  galling  to  who  valued  religious 
liberty  above  worldly  possessions  was  the  fact  that,  by 
order  of  the  government,  all  the  Anglo- Episcopal 
churches  were  closed,  in  which  the  President  of  the 
United  States  was  not  prayed  Un\ 

The  Conquered  provinces  were  then  placed  under 
military  governors,  until  the  farce  could  be  uone  through 
of  reconstructing  the  state  government  according  to  the 
orders  and  plan  sent  from  Washington.  They  are  now 
indeed  called  States,  but  they  are  still  conquered  and 
subjected  provinces. 

We  say  this  from  the  conviction  that  but  for  the  dom- 
inating power  of  the  Northern  States,  and  the  military 
force  of  their  government  at  Washington,  the  re-con- 
structed state  governments  in  the  South  would  not  have 
stood  one  day. 


♦ )  '  -. 

■I      V. 







4         S  '   .  •' 


The  Effects  of  this  Revolution  on  the  Whole  Ifnioiu 

We  mav  seem  at  times  to  have  wandered  from  our 
subject,  but  we  believe  that  all  we  have  hitherto  said 
w^i'l  assist  the  reader  to  understand  the  piesent  condition 
of  the  United  States. 

In  1800  the  United  States  were,  or  seemed  to  be,  the 
most  prosperous  of  countries.  The  financial  credit  of 
the  government,  of  the  individual  States,  and  of  num- 
berless great  corporations,  stood  exceedingly  high  in 
Europe,  and  enabled  the  countiy  to  borrow  on  easy 
terms  all  the  capital  it  wanted.  All  the  world  that  had 
money  to  lend  thought  the  United  States  the  best  place 
to  lend  money  in.  This  almost  unlimited  credit  was 
based,  not  merely  on  the  then  present  prosperity  of  the 
country,  but  yet  more  on  its  rapid  progress  towards 
greater  prosperity. 

But  wlien  we  examine  into  the  sources  of  this  credit, 
we  find  that  the  importance  of  the  United  States  to  the 
rest  of  the  world  was  chiefly  commercial  and  financial; 
and  that  its  growing  importance  in  these  respects  was 
based  chiefly  on  the  annually  increasing  production  by 
the  Southern  States,  of  staples  to  the  value  of  three 
hundred  and  thirty  millions  of  dollars  already,  and  in- 
creasing in  amount  and  value  every  year.  The  exports 
of  the  rest  of  the  Union  were  trifles  compared  to  this. 

■  n' 



The  greater  part  of  the  productions  of  the  South  found 
a  ready  market  in  Europe,  and  the  whole  of  them  would 
have  done  so,  if  a  large  part  had  not  been  diverted,  by 
most  unjust  legislation,  to  serve  as  tribute  to  swell  the 
prosperity  of  the  people  of  the  Northern  States,  serving 
to  raise  still  higher  that  financial  credit,  of  which  they 
were  making  such  free  use. 

This  credit,  much  shaken  during  the  war  of  Secession, 
was  fully  restored  by  the  success  of  the  North  and  of 
its  government,  as  long  as  the  real  eff(>cts  of  this  war 
could  l)e  concealed  and  misrepresented.  Indeed  few  of 
those  who  now  feel  these  effects  most  sorely  seem  yet  to 
understand  the  causes  of  them.  We  will  endeavour  to 
point  them  out  plainly. 

When  the  Southern  States  were  crushed,  conquered, 
and  revolutionized,  besides  the  vast  number  of  Northern 
men  who  flocked  thither,  or,  leaving  the  army,  remained 
there,  in  search  of  office,  and  plunder  by  means  of  oflice, 
a  crowd  of  Northerners,  of  a  somewhat  different  stamp, 
came  down  into  the  South.  Their  government  had  ex- 
pended more  than  3,000,000,000  of  dollars  in  preserving 
these  states,  now  conquered  provinces,  to  the  Union: 
and  these  men  came  to  render  the  fertile  South  more 
profitable  than  ever  to  the  North,  by  means  of  free 
negro  labour;  and  to  make  their  own  fortunes  while 
so  doing.  These  Northern  speculators  brought  an  im- 
mense amount  of  Northern  capital  and  Northern  credit 
with  them.  Many  of  them  sought  to  do  a  thriving 
business  by  lending  largely  to  embarrassed  Southern 
planters  on  mortgage  of  their  lands,  at  15,  18  and  20  per 
cent  interest.     But  the  greater   number  of   thase  men 


"'It '  -^ 

.«.  •  -f 

-■'■■ '  ♦ . 

.;». ,. 

;  ■■•'•^ 

^  ^  ^^^i 




i'  vnH 


i.    ,,    -  -. 

*     ■ 

'      '      '       •« 

i^  s  '-'M 

1  '      ^ 



were  convinced  that  the  Southern  planters  had  always 
been  too  indolent  and  ignorant  to  manaf^e  their  affairs 
with  skill,  an<l  that  they  themselves  could  now  show 
them  how  to  make  crops. 

They  bought  numberless  plantations,  an«l  where  they 
could  not  buy  they  leased  them.  They  bought  tools, 
imphaiients  and  machinery ;  repaired  barns,  cotton  gins, 
sugar-mills,  &c.,  and  hired  negroes  freely.  They  we»e 
certain  that  free  negro  labour  would  prove  better  and 
cheaper  than  slave  labour.  They  found  the  negro 
generally  ready  to  hire  himself.  The  tlitiiculty  was  to 
make  him  fulfil  his  engagement. 

Of  the  Southern  planters  some  few,  even  under  their 
altered  circumstances,  by  skill,  economy,  and  good  luck, 
have  been  able  to  make  a  decent  living.  But  the  most 
successful  of  them  are  far  poorer  than  they  were — nine- 
tenths  of  them  are  greatly  impoveiished,  and  three-fifths 
of  them  are  already  utterly  ruined.  This  is  the  condition 
of  those,  born  in  the  country,  familiar  with  the  nature 
of  the  negro,  and  bred  up  to  agricultural  pursuits  there. 
But  what  of  the  new-comers  from  the  North,  with  un- 
told millions  at  their  command,  most  of  it  bon-owed  in 
Europe  or  originally  drained  fi'om  the  formerly  fertile 
fields  of  the  South  ?  We  do  not  pretend  to  know  hew 
much  of  Northern  capital  has  gone  Southward  fiom  first 
to  last,  either  as  the  means  of  entering  on  these  specula- 
tions, or  in  the  effort  to  sustain  them,  or  to  lend  at  high 
interest  to  Southern  land-holders,  or  in  buying  up  the 
stocks  of  dilapi<lated  and  embarrassed  Southern  rail- 
roads, and  in  building  there  numberless  new  rail-roads, 
anticipating  a  most  prosperous  future  for  the  country. 




w    -* 


But  in  place  of  prosperity  came  ruin;  and  the  old  and 
the  new  roads  are  bankrupt.  But  we  are  sure  that  the 
outlay  amounts  to  many  hundreds  of  millions.  We  know 
that  most  of  the  money  lenders  have  been  compelled  to 
take  the  mortgaged  plantations,  and  turn  plantei-s  them- 
selves, or  sell  the  plantation  for  far  less  than  the  debt 
under  the  moi'tgages. 

We  have  yet  to  hear  of  one  decidedly  successful 
Northern  man  who  went  to  the  South  and  turned 
planter.  Nine  out  of  ten,  perhaps  nineteen  out  of  twen- 
ty, have  been  utterly  ruined.  These  Northern  specula- 
tors have  become  more  thoroughly  bankrupt  than  even 
the  Southern  planters.  We  are  certain  that  1)0  per 
cent,  of  the  capital  carried  to  the  South  has  been  sunk 
there,  never  to  rise  again,  and  only  serves  to  swell  im- 
mensely the  vast  amount  the  North  spent  to  preserve 
the  Union.  The  truth  is  that  since  18GG  the  crops 
grown  in  the  cotton  States,  at  least,  perhaps  in  all  the 
eleven  States  that  seceded,  have  not  paid  the  cost  of 
growing  them  ;  and  year  by  year  the  South  has  grown 
poorer  and  poorer. 

Many  facts  prove  this  :  and,  first,  the  returns  of  the 
census  of  1870,  compared  with  those  of  1860.  The  cen- 
sus furnishes  evidences  of  an  astonishing  decline  in  the 
productions  of  the  Southern  States  ;  so  great  as  to  war- 
rant the  conclusion  that  these  States  actually  produce 
less  than  they  consume. 

To  prove  this  we  will  go  into  some  details.  Cotton, 
sugar,  and  rice,  are  produced  only  in  the  South,  and  we 
select  the  facts  as  to  these  articles,  because  the  whole 
deficiency  falls  upon  the  South. 

»'.    - .  ''-I 
.-  •  fit'  ■ 

■  >    N   . 

'  "       ■      *     t'        . 

.■■*•  Vi^J 



1      ,          »,' 



'■                      \ 


1                                   • 

1  ;   ■■ 

♦  1 





;•  A'* 

1     i!"       I 



Tlie  cotton  crop  of  18(10  amounted  to  5,387,000  Imles. 
The  crop  of  1870  was  3,011,000  bales,  being  a  decline  of 
2,37:),000  bales.  in  the  ten  years  from  18:)0  to  1800 
the  cotton  crop  had  advanced  from  2,400,000  bales  to 
more  than  double.  But  in  stating  the  produce  of  single 
years,  as  the  census  does,  and  not  a  series  of  years,  we 
know  that  an  unfavourable,  compared  with  a  favourable 
season,  somewhat  exaggerated  the  progress  of  increase. 
But  had  the  usual  average  increase  of  the  cotton  crop 
continued  down  to  1870,  it  would  have  amounted  to 
eight  or  nine  millions,  nearly  three  times  as  much  as 
the  crop  of  1870. 

The  production  of  sugar  in  1800  was  231,000  hogs- 
heads. In  1870  it  had  fallen  to  87,000  hogsheads,  not 
much  over  one-third. 

The  rice  crop  in  1800  amounted  to  215,313,000  pounds. 
In  1870  it  had  fallen  to  73,035,000,  little  more  than  one- 

In  Virginia  the  tobacco  crop  in  1800  was  123,308,000 
pounds.     In  1870  it  fell  to  37,080,000,  less  than  a  third. 

The  only  Southern  State  in  which  wheat  was  an 
important  crop  was  Virginia.  In  1800  the  crop 
amounted  to  13,131,000  bushels.  In  1870,  to  7,398,000 
— somewhat  more  than  half. 

Maize,  ur  indian  corn,  is  a  most  important  crop  in  the 
Soutliern  States,  being  the  chief  breadstuff  of  the 
people,  and  the  chief  food  of  live  stock  on  a  farm.  In 
some  States,  down  to  18()0,  there  was  a  considerable 
surplus  for  exportation. 

The  States  of  Virginia,  North  and  South  Carolina, 
Tennessee,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and 



Arkansas,  in  1«()0,  pro.luced  2(;3,'2!)1,000  iMishels  of  in- 
<lian  corn.  In  1870  they  produced  I^O.IO.S.OOO  busliels, 
about  tliree-tit'tlis  of  the  former  crop.  There  was  noth- 
in<(  left  for  exportation.     Was  it  enough  for  food  ? 

We  will  not  cram  our  reader  witli  .stati.stica,  the 
driest  and  most  chaffv  of  all  mental  fo(jd — hut  refer  him 
to  the  heavy  volumes  of  the  census.  Takin*,'  the  chief 
production  of  the  Southern  States  it  is  apparent  that 
the  avera<j[(;  amount  of  thtiii-  ])roductions  in  1870  was 
little,  perlia[)s  no  more  than  half  of  what  it  was  in 
1800,  yet  there  was  some  increase  of  population  in  those 
ten  vears. 

Now  a  decline  of  one-half  in  the  productions  of  a 
country  may  well  imply  that  it  has  fallen  from  tbe 
height  of  prosperity  into  utter  ruin.  It  may  iniply  tha  - 
the  country  consumes  all,  and  more  than  all,  it  produces, 
and  that  there  is  no  surplus  beyond  the  cost  of  produc- 
tion, and  ev(Mi  that  may  not  be  re[)laced.  What  country 
is  there  that  produces  yearly  twice  as  much  as  it  con- 
sumes ^  We  know  of  none.  The  truth  is  that  the 
South,  esjiecially  the  cotton  States,  have  grown  poorer 
year  by  year,  from  18G.">  to  this  day.  So  far  from  pro- 
ducing any  surplus,  it  has  been  living  irom  hand  to 
mouth  on  tlui  Northern  capital  carried  there  by  san- 
guine speculators  within  the  last  twelve  years.  The 
South  since  1805,  has  been  sutfcning  un<ler  a  chronic 
state  of  scarcity  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  at  high  pricjs 
in  a  poor  country.  Far  more  cases  of  death  from  actual 
want  occur  in  it,  and  chiefly  among  the  negroes  and 
especially  their  children,  than  rn  any  country  in  which 
productive  land  is  abundant  in  proportion  to  the  popu- 
lation. M 












j  k 







* : 



• « 

-  - 


f  . 







We  know  that  a  totally  different  picture  from  this  is 
assiduously  presented  to  the  worM,  as  exhibiting  the 
present  condition  of  the  South.  Every  ne\vspaj)er 
there,  and  every  man  of  ])usiness  who  has  his  capital 
at  stake  there,  does  the  utmost  to  give  a  favorable  im- 
pression as  to  the  revival  of  industry  and  prosperity. 
They  vainly  hope  by  concealing  ruiti  to  ward  it  off. 
They  are  galvanizing  a  corpse.  But  t!iis  concealment 
and  misrepresentation  become  more  impossible  every 

It  must  not  be  imagined  that  the  Southern  States, 
taken  as  a  whole,  form  a  very  fertile  region.  It  is  nat- 
urally less  fertile  by  far  than  England,  Ireland,  France, 
Italy,  and  other  countries  we  could  name.  Its  late 
prosperity  was  based,  first  on  the  abundance  of  improv- 
able la?i(l,  and  then  not  less  on  agricultural  skill  and 
industry,  protected  by  well  ordered  and  economical  State 
ixovernments,  which  no  longer  exist. 

There  is  no  better  measure  of  the  prosperity  and 
decline  of  a  country  than  the  rise  and  fall  iu  the  price 
of  land.  There  is  a  great  deal  of  land  in  the  Southern 
States  that  never  was  sold  but  at  very  low  prices — and 
much  may  be  said  never  to  have  had  an}?^  value  but  for 
the  timber  fjrowini,^  on  it.  Of  these  lands  we  need  not 
speak ;  but  of  the  fertile  an<l  improvable  soils  much  had 
been  rendei-ed  highly  productive,  and  nmch  that  changed 
hands  from  time  to  time  brouj^ht  hii'h  and  increasir.ff 
prices.  A  vast  deal  of  land  has  been  sold  since  the 
end  of  the  war,  and  prices  have  eontinue<l  to  fall  from 
year  to  year.  And  in  the  cotton  States  at  least,  it  would 
be  an  extravagant  estimate  to  suppose  that  land  would 

■I"  <  >« 



on  an  average  bi-in':'  one-fourtli  tin;  ])rico  it  wouM 
readily  have  connnaiiiled  before  1800,  Iiuleed  in  many 
parts  of  tlie  country,  formerly  liighly  prosperous,  many 
plantations  have  been  soM  for  less  than  a  tenth  of  their 
former  value,  an«l  the  puichasers  have  been  since  ruined 
by  cultivating  them.  It  may  be  .said  now  as  to  the 
plantation  States,  that  with  rare  exceptions,  land  can 
find  no  sale,  has  no  price,  and  is  often  not  worth  the 
tax  imposed  on  it.  Extensive  and  valuable  estates  with 
costly  improvements  on  them,  and  in  the  cultivation 
of  which  in  cotton,  sugar,  and  rice,  many  thousands  of 
dollars  were  expen«led  every,  are  now  thrown  out 
untilled,  and  the  dwellings,  mills  and  other  buildings  are 
rotting  to  the  ground.  There  is  very  far  less  land  under 
cultivation  than  in  1800,  the  cultivation  is  far  worse, 
and  dilapidation  and  abandonment  from  year 
to  year.  Most  of  the  negroes  who  have  bought  or 
rented  land  to  farm  for  themselves,  fail  even  to  feed 
themselves,  and  after  a  vcar  or  two  return  to  the  condi- 
tion  of  hired  labourers — and  can  be  little  relied  on  as 
such.  In  the  greatei*  part  of  the  country  all  other 
culture  is  slighted  to  make  the  cotton  crop,  the  only  one 
that  brings  any  money  into  the  country,  and  of  that  but 
a  half  crop  is  made.  It  is  very  difficult  to  ascertain 
what  the  cotton  crop  now  amounts  to.  Before  18G0  it 
was  estimated  from  the  receipts  at  the  Southern  ship- 
ping ports,  no  account  beiu;,  taken  of  the  small  percent- 
age used  in  the  regions  that  produced  it.  But  now 
much  of  the  crop  goes  northward,  inland,  by  the  Missis- 
sippi and  the  railroads.  We  believe  that  the  same 
cotton  is  sometimes   counted   twice,   perhaps  thrice,  in 



♦  :• 














»  . 





r  . 

t  ,. 

* , 





J  )  I.I 





iiiakin*^  up  the  estimates  of  th(^  cro;i — for  instance  at 
M<>mpliis,  then  at  St.  Loiuh,  tlion  at  s  )ine  Atlantic  port, 
Tlie  cotton  buyers,  early  in  tli<;  season  use  every  device 
to  make  tlie  crop  out  lnij,^3r  than  it  really  is;  as  that 
cluuipens  the  staple  to  tlieui.  An«l  tliey  find  no  more 
efKcient  a;4ents  for  this  purpose  than  tlie  officials  of  the 
United  States  aL,nicultural  bureau,  which  reports  from 
time  to  time  the  prospects  of  tlie  crop. 

Yet  the  hulk  of  the  exports  from  the  Union  are  still 
furnished  hy  these  impoverished  Southern  Stat<'s,  in  the 
shape  of  cotton,  tobacco,  and  some  other  products,  nmch 
as  they  are  reduced  in  ([uatitity  and  value.  And  the 
"^a'cater  part  of  the  revenue  of  the  United  States  is  still 
derived  from  a  tariff  system,  which  is  simply  a  robbery 
of  the  South. 

There  is  one  interest  in  the  South  wliich,  in  many 
parts  of  the  country,  has  suffere<l  even  moie  than  agricul- 
ture, and  that  is  pastoral  industry.  Great  as  have  been 
the  depredations  of  the  negroes  on  the  fanners'  crops; 
(and  cotton  affords  peculiar  facilities  to  the  thief,  as  it 
can  1)6  gathered  and  sold  in  the  same  night  to  the 
receivers  of  stolen  produce  now  infesting  the  country) 
tlieir  depredations  on  his  live  stock  exceed  thtin. 
Although  the  climate  in  the  greater  part  of  the  South  is 
too  hot  for  a  line  glazing  country,  these  States  formerly 
))red  numbers  of  lioises,  kine,  swine,  and  sheep.  The 
lartre  amount  of  unenclosed  land  furnishes  a  free  and 
wide  range  for  them.  But  the  census  shows  a  monstrous 
diminution  of  live  stock  of  all  kinds,  and  we  know  that 
in  particular  parts  of  the  country  planters  who  had 
large  stocks  of  cattle,  sheep  and  swine  running  at  large, 


ice  at 



now  liavc  nono.  Tlic  idle  and  liun«^'ry  ne'groos  killed 
them  oH"  sceretly  i!»  the  woods  and  swamps,  and  hy 
ni^ht.  Luekily  they  liavi;  not  acciuinMl  the  French 
taste  for  horse-Hesh.  We  know  that  not  a  few  plant  rs 
still  cultivatinL,'  much  land,  and  who  once  had  herds  of  a 
hn!idretl  head,  have  not  one  cow.  All  the  milk  their 
fannlies  now  use  is  that  which  is  imported,  drie«l  and 
prepared  for  sale  in  ])afkaj,'es.  A  c  )W  would  luive  to  be 
kept  tmder  lock  and  k«'y  to  prevent  thf  nt:L,n'oes  milkin<^ 
it.  We  knew  other  jdanters  who  had  herds  of  swine  in 
their  woo<le<l  swamps,  and  fattened  and  killed  oni;  or 
two  hundred  every  winter,  who  do  not  now  <i;et  one  from 
that  source. 

With  th(^  i'xc  'ption  of  the  jjjreat  ffnizmfr  State  of 
Texas,  the  South  has  lo!ijj^  failed  to  siipply  itself  with 
animal  food.  Th((  scanty  ^-.upply  of  bacon  eaten  there  is 
imported  from  the  North  Western  States. 

Previous  to  18(10  the  Southern  States  were  the  most 
prosperous  agricultural  couununities  in  the  worM.  But 
even  then  their  prosperity  accrued,  not  so  much  to  their 
own  benefit  as  to  that  of  the  Northern  States;  for  the 
sovereign  majority  in  the  North  had  cont:  ivt^l  to  reduce 
the  South,  financially,  to  the  condition  of  tributary 
provinces,  and  drew  an  immense  tribute  from  them. 
Now  not  only  is  that  tribute  lost  to  the  North,  but  it  is 
now  burdened  with  the  maintenance  of  a  costly  pauper 
who  has  proved  a  great  consumer  of  its  shrunken  le- 
sources.  The  South  has  become  a  paralyzed  limb,  to  a 
by  no  means  healthy  body.  And  the  chief  indication  of 
vitality  in  this  paralyzed  limb  is  an  occasional,  violent 

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But,  it  may  be  said,  the  United  States  have  become  a 
great  manufacturing  country.  Is  not  that  a  resource 
that  may  yet  maintain  its  prospojity? 

The  Federal  government,  by  a  most  unnatural  and  un- 
just fiscal  policy  which  it  has  pursued  for  fifty  years, 
succeeded  in  building  up  an  immense  but  forced  system 
of  manufactures  throughout  the  Eastern  and  Northern 
States.  The  enterprising  Yankee  undertook  to  manu- 
facture everything,  even  to  the  natural  productions  of 
other  countries.  The  moment  he  found  that  some  people 
abroad  had  such  natural  facilities  that  they  could  make 
any  particular  article  cheaper  and  better  than  he  could, 
he  hastened  to  his  paternal  government,  and  got  it  to 
handicap  the  foreigner  so  heavily  that  the  Yankee  alone 
could  reach  the  winning  post,  the  home  market  of  the 
United  States.  Thirty,  and  forty,  and  fifty  per  cent 
duties  on  foreign  goods  were  long  odds  in  his  favour — but 
not  always  enough.  We  believe  the  duty  on  foreign 
silks  is  sixty  per  cent.  For  a  time  this  system  of  tax- 
ation served  its  purpose  well.  For  although  the  Yankee 
manufacturers  could  sell  little  or  nothing  in  the  world 
abroad  in  competition  with  cheaper  and  better  goods, 
they  had  the  monopoly  of  the  home  market,  in  most 
articles,  sustained  by  the  immense  amount,  and  the 
artificially  cheapened  price  of  Southern  produce,  and  by 
the  great  demand  in  the  South  for  manufactured  goods; 
and  this  made  a  profitable  little  commercial  world  of 

Tiie  great  tribute  paid  by  the  South  to  the  Northern 
manufacturers  on  protected  articles,  the  great  revenue 
it  paid  to  the  government  in  duties  on  foreign  goods, 




(for  after  all  the  manufacturers  failed  to  supply  all  the 
country  \vante<l)  added  to  the  immense  amounts  borrow- 
ed abroad  and  expended  in  developing  the  resources  of 
the  country,  *,'ave  to  the  North  the  appearance  of  vast 
prosperity.  This  prosperity  brought  on  a  great  rise  in 
wages,  in  the  cost  of  materials,  of  the  necessaries  of  life, 
in  the  style  of  living.  For  everyone  thought  that  he 
was  makiuif  his  fortune.  Livincr  in  New  York  was 
more  costly  than  in  London,  twice  as  costly  as  in  Paris. 
Ostentatious  people,  becoming  pinched  in  their  incomes, 
went  to  European  capitals  to  economize. 

But  the  country  has  lately  waked  up  from  its  dream 
of  manufacturing  and  commercial  prosperity  to  find  it 
only  a  dre  im. 

Its  vast  system  of  factories  and  work-shops,  and  com- 
mercial agencies,  and  its  net-work  of  rail-roads  that 
covered  the  country,  have  lost  their  best  and  greatest 
customer,  and  the  bounty  they  made  him  pay  on  their 
industry.  Their  customer,  the  South,  is  worse  than  a 
Vmnkrupt — he  is  a  pauper,  and  it  costs  them  money  to 
keep  him.  Under  the  changed  condition  of  the  country 
they  now  fiml  that  all  the  outlay  they  have  made,  chiefly 
of  borrowed  money,  in  manufacturing,  conmiercial,  and 
transportation  agencies,  has  been  quite  over-done;  and 
rival  establishment  are  cutting  each  others  throats  in 
their  efforts  to  secure  to  theniselves  the  diminished  and 
embarrassed  trade  of  an  impoveiished  and  mutilated 
confederation.  The  country  is  now  actually  losing 
money  on  its  investments  in  manufacturing  establish- 
ments and  entei-prises  that  have  run  it  deeply  into  debt. 

It  is  curious  to  see  how  the  signs  of  the  times  are 


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miscontrued  by  those  prophets  who  pretend  to  know  and 
foiesee  all  things.  The  London  Times  and  Pall  Mall 
Gazette  are  frightened  at  seeing  certain  cotton  stuffs 
from  the  U.  8.  underselling  even  in  Manchester,  the 
manufactures  of  that  locality,  In  their  eyes  the  Yankee 
is  bearding  the  British  lion  in  his  den.  Here  in  (^anada 
we  recognise  these  cheap  Yankee  goods,  sold  below  the 
cost  of  making  them,  as  bankr'int  stock,  'slaughtered 
goods'  sent  abroad  to  be  sold  for  what  ever  they  will 
bring,  because  the  sale  of  them  in  the  U.  S.  w^ould  beat 
down  the  ju-ice  of  all  similar  goods,  which  already  hang- 
so  heavy  on  the  manufacturers'  hands.  These  marvellous 
cheap  goods  are  the  evidence  of  some  bankruptcies,  but 
they  foreshadow  many  more. 

It  is  curious  to  trace  the  effects  which  the  protective 
system,  the  vast  borrowings,  the  vast  expenditures,  and 
the  high  cost  of  materials,  and  of  living,  have  had  on  the 
TJ.  S.  merchant  marine.  For  a  lonnf  time  the  United 
States  w^ere  a  great  ship-building  country.  Thirty  years 
ago,  perhaps  later,  the  merchant  marine  of  the  U.  8.  was 
the  second  in  the  world,  and  in  tonnage  fell  not  far  short 
of  that  of  Great  Britain.  Now,  even  with  its  river 
steamers  included,  it  is  a  poor  shrunken  thing,  and  the 
exports  of  the  country  go  in  foreign  and  safer  bottoms 
to  the  markets  of  the  world.  The  United  States  have 
lost  their  ship  building,  and  their  carrying  trade,  and  all 
the  profits  derived  from  them.  Yet  the  governme'.it  has 
spent  millions  to  bolster  up  lines  of  steamers;  and  some 
of  the  ugliest  of  the  numb.'rless  frau<ls  perpetrated  on 
the  public  treasury  have  been  connected  with  these 
efforts  to  revive  the  marine  interest  of  the  country. 

\\d  li'  'ii| 



But  the  United  States,  it  may  be  said,  are  still  a 
country  of  vast  resources;  they  can  rely  on  their  de- 
veloped and  their  undeveloped  agi'icultural  wealth.  If 
the  South  be  permanently  ruined,  it  is  but  a  corner  of 
the  countrv  that  is  ruined.  The  aresit  West,  wide  and 
fertile,  can  ijcive  employment  to  all  the  factories  and 
work -shops — to  the  great  net-work  of  rail-roads  that 
connect  every  part  of  the  country,  to  all  the  commercial 
depots,  and  agencies  scattered  over  it.  It  can  repay  all 
that  has  been  borrowed,  and  replace  all  that  has  been 

Let  us  look  into  this  »freat  West.  Throufjh  the  bless- 
ing  of  a  most  favourable  season  last  year,  it  harvested  a 
monstrous  crop  of  grain.  In  the  midst  of  the  distress  and 
embarrassment  of  the  whole  country,  men's  spirits  rallied 
and  revived  at  this  prospect  of  plenty.  But  man  is 
never  satisfied.  One  blessing  only  makes  him  long  for 
another,  and  all  the  wheat  growers  and  wheat  dealers, 
who  believe  in  a  Ood,  were  praying  for  a  general  war  in 
Europe  to  raise  the  price  of  grain. 

All  trades  have  their  technical  phrases;  and  among  the 
giain  dealers  in  the  United  States  you  will  often  hear  of 
the  'wheat  centre'  around  which  central  point  cluster 
the  largest  productions  of  wheat.  It  will  be  worth  one's 
while  to  trace  the  migrations  of  this  wheat-centre;  for 
it  is  not  a  stationary  point.  There  was  a  time  within  this 
century  when  the  people  of  the  six  New  England  States 
grew  the  wheat  for  their  own  bread.  Now  they  could 
not  feed  themselves  with  home  grown  wheat  for  a  fort- 
night. Since  then  New  York  was  a  great  wheat  grow- 
ing State,  and  the  wheat  centre  stood  in  it.     Now  its 


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wheat  crop  cannot  feed  its  people  for  five  months.  After 
that  Pennsylvania  was  a  great  wheat  grower,  and  the 
w'leat  centre  was  found  there.  Now  its  people  can  eat 
up  the  wheat  crop  in  ten  months.  Stepping  for  a 
moment  out  of  the  line  of  the  wdieat  centre's  migrations, 
w^e  will  remark  that  as  late  as  1800  Virginia  produced 
twelve  Lushels  of  wheat  for  every  person  in  it.  In  1870 
it  produced  only  six,  and  now  probahly  less.  The  wheat 
centre  for  a  time  took  its  station  in  Ohio.  Then  it 
moved  into  Indiana  and  Illinois,  but  is  now  somewhere 
bel-wecn  Iowa,  Wisconsin  and  Minnesota.  But  from  its 
past  histoiy  we  infer  that  it  will  not  stop  there  long; 
and  as  in  its  migrations  it  has  always  moved  westward, 
it  must  then  take  a  long  leap  over  to  Oregon  and  Cali- 
fornia.    Let  Geneval  Hazen  tell  us  the  reason  why. 

General  Ha/.en  is  an  officer  in  the  U,  S.  army,  and 
seems  to  have  been  nrach  employed  in  the  far  West,per- 
haps  in  topographical  exploration  of  the  country.  A 
year  or  two  ago  he  published  an  interesting  article,  it 
may  have  been  an  official  report,  of  what  he  had  seen 
there.  In  it  he  tells  us  that  there  lies  East  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains  a  country  twelve  hundred  miles  square, 
(1,440,000  square  miles,  seven-sixteenths  of  the  territory- 
of  the  United  States)  which  is  a  desert  w^ith  not  five  per 
cent  of  improvable  land.  And  General  Hazen's  account 
is  confirmed  by  others  who  know  the  country  well- 
The  cold  winter  there  may  be  no  fatal  objection  to  an}' 
part  of  this  country,  but  the  heat  and  drought  in  sum- 
mer would  keep  the  soil  for  ever  stei-ile,  if  nature  had 
not  already  made  it  so.  It  may  afford  some  good  pastur- 
age during  a  short  season — but  even  for  that  purpose  it 




is  wortli  little.  For  tlie  measur.-  oF  the  capabilities  of  a 
pastoral  country,  is  its  power  of  feeding  stock,  not 
(luring  the  most  plentiful,  but  during  the  scarcest  season 
of  the  year.  It  is  said  to  be  a  country  of  great  mineral 
wealth.  But  all  the  treasures  buried  beneath  its  strata, 
wouM  not  tempt  the  wheat  centre  to  linger  one  moment 
on  the  soil-less  surface  that  coveis  them. 

If  New  York,  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  have  been 
worn  out  as  wheat  <j:r()win<j:  regions;  if  theie  be  truth  in 
the  assertion  attributed  to  Abraham  Lincoln,  who  lived 
in  Illinois  and  knew  it  well,  that  the  wheat  fields  of 
that  once  fertile  State  had  sunk  to  an  avera<;e  of  ei<jht 
bushels  per  acre;  if  the  wearing  (nit  of  virgin  soil  by 
successive  eroppings,  without  rest  or  rotation,  be  the  true 
characteiistic  of  American  farming,  we  may  safely  infer 
that  the  great  wheat  crops  of  the  West  will  not  prove  a 
permanent  resource  to  the  country. 

The  i-estless  wheat  centre,  setting  out  from  the  coast, 
has  already  travelled  twelve  hundred  miles  from  the 
Atlantic,  and  would  travel  further  if  it  could.  If  this 
wdieat  is  grown  for  European  consumption,  it  costs  a 
fjreat  deal  to  get  it  to  market.  Of  three  bushels  on 
their  way  to  market,  two  eat  up  the  third  and  lose  some- 
thing of  their  own  weight  and  bulk  b.'fore  they  get 
there;  for  wheat  is  a  heavy  and  cumbrous  article  in  com- 
parison with  its  value,  and  soon  eats  up  the  price  in 
travelling  expenses. 

This  was  one  of  the  great  advantages  enjoyed  by  the 
cotton  States,  while  there  were  cotton  States,  and  while 
the\'  made  a  cotton  crop  worth  talking  about.  Their 
great  staple,  even  when  sold  cheap,  wa.s  still  of  great 

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value  in  proportion  to  its  weight.  If  the  farmer  in  the 
far  west  got  ninety  cents  per  bushel  for  his  wh^  it,  it  was 
worth  to  him  at  most  but  one  cent  and  a  half  per  pound- 
The  cotton  planter  quite  as  often,  if  not  oftener,  got 
twelve  cents  a  pound  for  his  cotton.  If  the  wheat  and 
cotton  set  out  together  on  their  travels  in  search  of 
a  market,  when  the  wheat  had  expended  its  whole  first 
cost  in  travelling  expences,  the  cotton  would  have  spent 
only  twelve  and  a  half  per  cent.  A  great  and  remote 
traffic  must  be  sustained  by  more  costly  commodities 
than  food,  and  especially  grain,  one  of  the  cheapest  forms 
of  food. 

If  in  1860  the  people  of  the  United  States,  from  a 
praiseworthy  wish  to  pay  some  small  part  of  the  money 
they  owed  in  Europe,  had  denied  themselves  the  use  of 
wheaten  bread,  and,  while  living  on  potatoes,  maize  and 
oatmeal,  had  sent  all  their  wheat  to  market  abroad,  it 
would  not  have  netted,  at  the  average  price  of  wheat,  as 
much  as  the  cotton  crop  of  the  Southern  States  in  that 
year,  but  would  have  fallen  short  of  the  cotton  at  least 
ninety  millions  of  dollars. 

We  do  not  know  what  the  wheat  crop  may  yield  in 
this  the  most  favourable  season  in  the  United  States 
within  twenty  or  thirty  years.  But  after  all  the  boast- 
ing as  to  the  wheat  crops  of  the  States — most  people 
will  be  sui*prised  to  learn  that  the  little  region  of  Eng- 
]**nd,  with  but  fifty  thousand  square  miles  (equal  to  one 
?'.r'y -fourth  part  of  the  U.  S.)  produces  not  much  less 
'v>)>arv  1  -tif  as  much  wheat  as  all  the  States  did  in  1870 
a-nu  more  than  half  of  their  crop  in  1860.  If  all  the 
jj  '  i/      in   the   United   States  used  no  bread  stuff  but 

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{'  ^  J. 


wheat,  so  far  from  ('xportinf:f  large  (|iiantitios,  they 
would  often  have  to  import  it,  for  only  a  good  crop  could 
supply  their  wants. 

One  who  is  familiar  with  farm  labour  and  farm  pro- 
duce in  England,  Ireland,  Germany  and  France,  would 
not  think  the  United  States  a  very  advantageous  country 
for  farming.  The  chief  advantage  is  the  abundance  of 
land,  and  the  consequent  low  price  and  rent  paid  for  it. 
But  good  land  is  not  abundant.  There  are  many  draw- 
backs to  farminnf.  The  extremes  of  the  seasons  are  one 
of  the  chief.  North  of  latitude  40,  except  in  some  limit- 
ed regions,  the  ground  is  frozen  har  I  and  the  plough 
cannot  enter  it  from  J)ecember  until  April,  and  often 
until  May — so  that  all  tillage  is  interrupted  for  five 
months,  during  which  much  could  be  done  to  the  land 
on  a  farm  in  Western  Europe.  On  the  other  hand  the 
summers  are  very  hot,  throughout  the  country,  compared 
with  those  of  Europe,  North  of  the  Alps — and  in  conse- 
quence, Noj'th  America  is  by  no  means  as  good  a  grain 
growing  region  as  Western  Europe. 

The  summer  is  everywhere  too  hot,  and  in  the  North 
the  winter  too  cold  and  long;  wheat,  oats,  and  barley, 
after  lying  dormant  for  months,  are  hurried  on  by 
sudden  heat  to  premature  maturity,  with  too  few  months 
of  growth  to  produce  the  full  and  heavy  yield  common 
in  more  temperate  climates.  Every  farmer  knows  that 
the  more  months  a  crop  continues  progressing  naturally 
to  maturity,  the  fuller  the  return  it  will  make  to  his 
labour.  In  America  the  small  grains  are  hurried  on  by 
the  heat  and  dryness  of  the  summer,  to  hardening  before 
they  have  attained  all  their  plumpness  and  weight.       A 

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bushel  of  grain,  whoat,  barley,  and  os2)ecially  oats, 
weij^hs  far  less  in  the  U.  8,  thaii  in  Great  Britain,  and 
much  fewer  busliels  are  made  to  the  acre. 

The  climate  of  three-fourths  of  th  •  U.  S.  is  far  better 
suited  to  maize,  the  farinaceous  gruin  which  nature 
sowed  there.  It  is  now  the  common  bread  stuff  of  half 
the  country;  and  should  the  Northern  States  ever 
become  really  populous  it  will  rival  the  potato  in  feed- 
inof  the  other  half.  America  is  not  destined  to  be  the 
granary  of  Western  Europe.  It  is  probably  as  much  so 
now  as  it  ever  will  be.  There  is  much  barren  land,  in 
every  part  of  the  continent.  The  better  soils  have  been 
or  are  being  rapidly  exhausted  by  continuous  cropping; 
and  little  is  done  to  restoie  their  fertility.  Few  lay 
stress  on  feeding  their  land,  that  their  land  may  feed 
them.  The  ocean  is  both  directly  and  indirectly  the 
great  source  of  the  more  fertilizing  manures;  and  on  a 
large  and  compact  continent  the  bulk  of  the  land  lies 
far  beyond  the  reach  of  that  source  of  supply. 

Slave  labour  is  supposed  to  have  been  always  accom- 
}>anied  by  a  slovenly,  vicious,  and  wasteful  system  of 
agriculture.  Yet  the  only  instance  in  the  United  States, 
known  to  us,  in  which  an  extensive  remon  has  been 
restored  from  exhaustion  to  renewed  fertility,  occurred  in 
a  slave  State.  In  1820  the  soil  of  the  Eastern  and 
larger  part  of  Virginia  was  so  much  exhausted  by  un- 
skilful cropping,  and  especially  by  the  cultivation  of 
tobacco,  that  there  was  a  great  and  continued  migration 
Westward  in  search  of  new  lands.  But  after  some  en- 
terprising and  skilful  planters  had  adopted  and  zealous- 
ly disseminated  a  judicious  system  of  culture,  manuring, 






and  rotation,  it  revived  raj)idly,  became  a  lar;L;e  wheat 
producing  rc^jion,  and  in  18(10  was  one  of  the  most 
thrivin*^  ui  tlie  furniint''  States. 

It  may  be  woith  wliile  to  mention  anotlier  instance, 
on  a  smaller  scale,  of  an  eftectual  restoration  or  rather 
creation  of  a  fertile  soil,  also  in  a  slave  State.  There  are 
a  row  of  Hat  sandy  islands  along  the  coast  of  South 
Carolin  I  and  Oeor<fia,  many  of  them  of  considerable  size. 
The  climate  and  soil  are  peculiarly  fitted  for  the  gr  >wtli 
of  what  is,  or  rather  was  known  as  sea-island  cott  >n, 
that  variety  of  the  plant  producing  the  finest  and  longest 
fibre,  and  commanding  a  treble,  ([uadi'uplc,  and  even 
quintuple  'rice.  But  the  light  soil  was  quickly  worn 
out.  These  islands  are  separattM]  from  the  miinland  and 
each  other,  not  only  by  water  courses — but  a'so  by  salt 
mud  flats,  covered  with  a  thick  growth  of  coai'se  marsh 
grass,  (the  Spurtina  Qlnhra.  we  believe)  and  they  are 
covered  at  hi^rh  tides  with  salt  water.  The  cotton 
planters  gradually  adopted  the  laborious  and  complicated 
process  of  cutting,  atv  low  tide,  great  quantities  of  this 
marsh  grass,  and  of  the  salt  mud  on  which  it  grew, 
spading  it  like  peat  or  turf,  then  hauling  it  to  their 
fields,  where  it  was  pulverized  and  harrowed  into  the 
soil,  which  was  effectually  renovated  by  this  manure 
laboriously  rescued  from  the  arms  of  the  sea.  But  these 
artificially  fertilized  islands  are  now  barren  of  all  but 

We  are  satisfied  that  it  is  only  under  peculiarly 
favourable  circumstances  that  effort  is  made  to  recuperate 
the  soil  in  the  United  States,  Many  things  are  there 
adverse  to   farming,  and  even  with   cheap   farms   and 









■'  It. 



lai'irc  farms  few  men  •'row  ricli  on  them.  Even  in  the 
healthier  parts  of  the  I  ^nit(Ml  States  the  extremes  of 
climatr  «li,seoura<^e,  perliaps  f()r])i»l  that  assiihious  and 
continuous  field  labour  throu;^hout  the  year  which  marks 
the  fairn-lal>o\n(!r  in  Western  Europe,  In  the  United 
States  but  a  small  ju'oportion  of  farm-labourers  will  en- 
gage or  can  get  engagements  by  the  year.  The  natives 
grow  up  averse  to  steady  farm  work,  and  can  be  scarcely 
tempteil  to  it  by  high  wages;  and  the  farmer  has  to  look 
chiefly  aujong  the  newly  come  Irish  and  (lermans  to  find 
his  hired  man. 

The  farmer  struggles  against  many  obstacles  to  profit- 
able farmin<r  besides  the  seasons  and  the  soil.  The  hisrh 
wajres  of  labour  and  the  unreliable  character  of  the 
labourer,  the  high  price  to  which  the  protective  system 
has  raised  most  of  the  supplies,  materials  and  imple- 
ments needed  on  the  farm ;  the  burdensome  taxes  on  land 
and  on  improvements  on  it,  by  State,  and  county,  and 
township  assessments  sadly  cut  down  his  profits.  We 
have  been  told  by  farmers  that  these  burdens  often 
amount  to  three  or  four  per  cent  on  the  assessed  value 
of  the  land,  and  that  the  amount  of  that  assessment  is 
much  influenced  by  the  consideration,  whether  the 
assessors  and  assessed  belong  to  the  same  or  different 
political  parties. 

In  one  branch  of  industry  and  skill  the  people  of  the 
United  States  have  made  remarkable  progress.  No 
where  have  the  inventive  faculties  of  the  mechanician 
been  more  earnestly  and  successfully  tasked,  and  besides 
their  own  inventions  they  have  laid  claim  to  many  that 
they   never  made.     The  circumstances  of  the   country 





stininlatod  this  (levclopinont.  Deinand  for  laltonr  and 
scarcity  i»f  labour  are  fatlitM*  and  mother  to  lahour-savinix 
contrivances;  and  among  these  have  ])ecn  many  agricul- 
tural implements  greatly  exi)e(liting  labour  on  the  farm. 
But  as  they  almost  always  aim  only  at  getting  a  crop 
out  of  the  land  speedily  and  cheaply,  and  few  or  none  at 
the  recuperation  of  the  soil,  they  have  hastened,  not  re- 
tarded the  impoverishment  of  that  soil.  In  some  of  the 
North  Western  States  thousands  (.f  acres  of  rich  prairie 
land  in  one  body,  without  tree  or  stump,  root  or  stone, 
lie  rea<ly  for  the  plough.  Agricultural  speculators 
eagerly  secured  possessions  of  these  tracts.  In  many 
cases  many  thousand  acriis  formed  but  one  farm — for 
the  absence  of  all  materials  foi-  fencini;,  made  enclosures 
too  costly  a  process  for  small  holdings.  The  capitalist 
called  to  his  aid  all  the  most  efficient  implements  and 
machiner\'  for  deep  ploughing,  thorough  hanowing, 
drilling,  sowing  and  covering.  Wlien  the  crop  ripened, 
portal>le  steam  thrashers,  travelling  from  one  point  to 
another  of  this  wide  domain,  thrashed  (Jut  the  wheat, 
leaving  the  straw  to  dry  in  the  almost  lainless  summer, 
and  all  its  valuable  elements  to  be  sublimated  and  dis- 
persed by  the  scorching  sun  and  the  sweeping  winds  of 
the  unsheltered  prairie.  We  sec  admiring  paragraphs 
published,  connnenting  on  these  gigantic  agricultural 
feats,  which  have  extracted  shii)-loads  of  wheat  from  a 
single  farm.  But  in  a  very  few  years  the  proprietors, 
— we  will  not  call  them  farmers — find  that  they  have 
exported  not  only  their  crops,  but  their  farms.  The  land 
is  well  nigh  dead  from  exhaustion,  and  the  bare  site  is 
far  remote  from  the  means  of  manuring  and  recupera- 




f  .. 


1  '^ 


■'  •  ,   -1 




tion.  Fertile  and  productive  refj^ions  have  become  bar- 
ren and  desolate  before  now.  And  some  of  these  farm- 
ing merchants  have  become  bankrupt  even  before  their 
farms  were  worn  out. 

In  almost  every  civilized  country  most  of  the  wealth 
is  represented  by  the  land-holders,  the  rural  proprietors. 
Even  where  such  property  is  widely  distributed  among 
many,  not  a  few  examples  of  great  wealth  are  found 
among  them.  This  class  have  the  most  fixed  and  per- 
manent interest  in  the  country.  Much  of  the  refinement, 
cultivation  and  integrity  in  the  country  is  found  among 
them — and  they  exercise  great  social  and  political  in- 
fluence. It  is  not  so  in  the  United  States.  It  was  so  in 
the  older  and  long  settled  Southern  States;  but  it  is  so 
no  longer. 

The  farmers  furnish  the  productions  on  which  many 
classes  of  traders  and  speculators  make,  and  often  lose 
immense  fortunes,  but  the  farmers  seldom  grow  rich  ex- 
cept in  a  very  small  way.  In  the  United  States  the 
large  land-holder  finds  no  class  of  tenants,  with  skill, 
capital,  and  trustworthy  character,  to  take  leases  of 
farms  at  rents  remunerative  to  the  owner.  And  if, 
rather  than  let  his  land  lie  idle,  he  undertakes  to  farm 
on  a  large  scale,  every  one  he  employs  makes  all  he  can 
out  of  him  without  scruple,  for  a  large  land-holder  is 
looked  upon  as  a  monopolist,  and  lawful  prey;  and  he 
generally  ends  by  being  ruined.  The  only  available  use 
for  a  large  landed  property,  is  to  speculate  upon  it,  by 
cutting  it  up  into  small  allotments,  and  selling  them  out 
at  retail  price,  as  the  shop-keeper  does  with  his  stock  in 

11  -ii 

3  '. 



Ono  of  the  chief  natural  resources  of  the  United  States 
is  undergoing  rapid  extinction.  When  North  America 
was  first  colonized  few  countries  were  better  clad  with 
valuahle  forest  gi-owth  than  the  Eastern  half  of  the  con- 
tinent. Throughout  the  earlier  history  of  the  country 
much  of  its  wealth  was  derived  from  this  source.  The 
amount  of  timber  of  all  kinds  seemed  inexhaustible. 
Ship-building,  the  preparation  and  exportation  of  timber, 
and  of  what  are  known  in  commerce  as  naval  stores,  were 
for  a  time  the  chief  industries  of  the  country. 

But  the  forest  is  cut  down,  and  where  are  the  ships? 
How  few  compared  with  what  they  once  we»e!  What 
timber  is  left  is  of  inferior  quality,  remote  from  water 
courses,  and  will  not  repay  the  cost  of  bringing  it  to 
market.  The  forest,  the  growth  of  centuries,  can  never 
be  replaced,  and  the  want  of  it  deteriorates  the  climate. 
Already  a  considerable  part  of  the  United  States  is  de- 
pendent on  Canada  for  timber;  and  we  have  good 
assurance  that  this  supply  will  not  last  long. 

The  rich  men  in  the  United  States  are  not  the  pro- 
prietors of  the  fields,  meadows,  and  pastures,  the  broad 
acres,  the  visible  and  tangible  property  of  the  country. 
They  do  not  much  care  for  this  kind  of  property.  Its 
annual  j'^-ld  is  too  moderate  and  comes  in  too  slowly  for 
them.  The  rich  men  of  the  country,  or  the  reputed  rich, 
are  bankers,  merchants,  manufacturers,  and  above  all, 
successful  gamesters  in  stock  jobbing  of  all  kinds,  in  gov- 
ernment, and  State,  and  municipal  bonds,  and  railroad 
corporation  stocks,  in  government  contracts  got  by 
official  favouritism  for  a  high  fee;  and  all  these  things 
are  of  most  fluctuating  and  uncertain  value.     Most  of 








*   h 

.;■  ■  ^ 

these  millionaires  have  been  lately  raised  into  notice  by 
some  lucky  sj-eculation  or  peculation,  and  on  a  change  of 
luck  may  be  never  heard  of  again — like  many  a  Croesus 
who  has  lately  disappeared  in  bankruptcy.  But  they 
are  the  leading  spirits  of  the  day — the  objects  of  envy 
and  admiration  to  that  monstrous  class,  who  are  seeking 
to  make  their  fortunes  by  bold  strokes  in  the  feverous 
and  gambling  markets  of  the  United  States. 

The  United  States  have  been  fo)'  some  years  growing 
less  prosperous  in  their  agriculture,  their  manufactures, 
their  commerce,  their  marine  resources,  and  their  forest 
productions,  than  they  ever  have  been  for  any  prolonged 
period;  and  we  believe  that  their  present  condition  can 
be  distinctly  traced  to  growing  and  permanent  causes. 


i:  U!J 




Political  and  Social  Condition  of  the   United  States. 

The  United  States  cover  a  vast  region  of  country  not 
unblest  in  climate  and  soil,  not  wanting  but  rather 
abounding  in  mineral  wealth;  and  inhabited  by  a  highly 
capable  population.  Why  should  they  not  prosper? 
Because  evil  ngencies,  political  and  moral,  aie,  and  long 
have  been  making  war  upon  their  prosperity. 

The  people  of  those  States  which  first  formed  the 
Union  were  fortunate  in  inheritiuLr,  with  their  Anglo- 
Saxon  blood,  valuable  political  and  social  institutions 
which)  while  kept  pure  and  unperverted,  protected  their 
rights  and  promoted  their  welfare.  But  they  gradually 
lost  sight  of  the  principles,  on  which  political  and  social 
life  can  be  safely  organizL'd,  and  gave  themselves  up  to 
the  guidance  of  false  maxims  in  government  and  soci- 
ology, which  have  led  them  a  long  way  towards  moral 
and  material  ruin. 

We  will  specify  some  of  those  principles  which  they 
have  thrown  away. 

The  colonies  quarrelled  with  the  mother  country 
because  they  were  taxed  by  its  parliament  in  which 
they  were  not  represented,  'No  taxation  without  repre- 
sentation!' This  sounds  like  a  safeguard  to  one's  rights; 
yet  it  is  but  a  half  truth,  valueless  and  deceptive  until 
you  add  the  suppressed  half  to  it.  'No  representation 
without  taxation!* 


.'l  .   t    -' 






Government  is  a  necessary  agency.  Society  cannot 
do  without  it.  But  it  is  a  costly  and  burdensome  agent; 
and  moreover  one  whose  powers  have  often  been  grossly 
abused  and  perverted  from  their  true  objects.  Yet  its 
powers  must  be  entrusted  to  some  person,  or  persons,  or 
class  of  persons.  The  only  class  of  persons  to  whom  the 
ultimate  control  over  the  government  can  be  entrusted 
with  reasonable  hope  of  good  results,  is  that  which 
furnishes  the  means  of  supporting  the  government,  and 
feels  the  burden  of  its  costly  maintenance.  This  class 
are  the  tax-payers,  the  holders  of  visible,  tangible  prop- 
erty, which  cannot  hide  itself  from  taxation.  This  class 
has  a  direct  and  obvious  interest  in  watching  the  gov- 
ernment and  the  officials  who  administer  its  powers — in 
checking  extravagance  and  enforcing  economy  and 
honesty  in  government  expenditure;  for  they  furnish 
the  means.  They  have  every  motive  for  watching  that 
the  operations  of  government  are  directed  to  the  pro- 
tection of  the  rights  and  the  redress  of  the  wrongs  of  in- 
dividuals, and  the  safety  of  the  community — and  not 
perverted  to  purposes  for  which  it  was  not  created.  For 
this  class  have  not  only  personal  and  social  rights,  like 
other  people,  but  they  possess  vast  acquired  and  vested 
rights  peculiarly  apt  to  suffer  from  the  neglect  or  abuses, 
or  perversion  of  government ;  rights,  on  the  protection  and 
security  of  which  the  welfare  and  civilization  of  the 
country  depend.  This  class  may  be  very  numerous,  or 
may  consist  of  comparatively  few,  according  to  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  particular  country.  But  in  every 
civilized  country  it  forms  but  a  minority,  and  usually  a 
small  minority  of  the  people  in  it.    Yet  their  right  to  be 



intrusted  with  the  ultimate  control  over  the  jDfovernment 
and  its  officials  will  not  be  hard  to  see  when  we  have 
considered  two  other  suppositions.  1st,  That  of  one  man 
being  the  imposer,  collector,  and  expender  of  taxes.  2nd 
That  while  the  property-holders  pay  the  taxes,  those 
who  hold  no  property  and  pay  no  taxes,  should  impose 
them.  Do  not  say  that  tliis  is  an  impossible  case.  But 
it  is  certain  to  prove  a  ruinous  arrangement.  Tliese  im- 
posers  of  the  taxes  have  no  motive  for  enforcing  on  the 
government  economy  and  honesty  in  its  expenditures. 
They  may  become  interested  in  its  extravagance,  its  dis- 
honesty, and  in  the  perversion  of  its  powers.  Is  not  this 
what  has  happened  in  the  United  States? 

The  individual  States  originally  had  in  their  political 
organization  this  safe-guard  against  the  extravagance, 
dishonesty,  and  perversion  of  their  governments.  We 
believe  that  in  every  one,  certainly  in  nearly  all  of  them 
the  franchise  was  limited  to  the  freeholder,  a  basis  of 
political  power  wide  enough  to  secure  attention  to  the 
protection  of  the  personal  and  social  rights  of  every 
citizen,  choice  enough  to  secure  that  all  who  ultimately 
controlled  the  government  and  its  officials,  should  have 
a  direct  interest  in  preserving  that  government  from 
corruption,  and  the  perversion  of  its  powers.  Accord- 
ingly these  State  governments  were,  for  many  years, 
efficient  without  becoming  burdensome  or  corrupt. 

But  the  ultimate  control  of  government  and  of  its 
officials  is  not  now  in  the  hands  of  those  who  have  a 
direct  and  obvious  interest  in  the  economical,  honest,  and 
unperverted  exercise  of  its  powei's.  That  class  has  but 
a  very  small  voice  in  the  matter,  and  no  power  to  protect 

•:  >. , 




~  ft,  * 

I  •     *»' 

'    '-'^ 

\  :-"^^ 


i  ■  '.•!): 

'.  ', 

«           ■-.- 

f,            -^v 

1              '( 

1  •  .  ..^ 

'•          i  'A 






themselves  or  other  people,  except  by  bribing  the  multi- 
tude of  needy  and  mercenary  voters,  and  paying  exorbi- 
tantly for  their  votes. 

.  By  the  theory  of  the  government,  in  the  States  and  in 
the  United  States,  all  power  is  in  the  hands  of  the 
majority  of  voters  on  the  basis  of  universal  manhood 
suffrage ;  and  nothing  but  some  forms  of  an  effete  politi- 
cal organization,  termed  the  '  Constitution  of  the  United 
States'  stand  between  the  sovereign  majority  and  their 
absolute  despotism.  The  minority  are  nothing.  This 
sovereign  majority  consists  chiefly  of  men  who  have  no 
direct  and  obvious  interest  in  the  honest  and  economical 
administration  of  the  powers  of  government.  So  far 
from  its  burdens  apparently  falling  on  them,  they  feel  a 
direct  and  obvious  interest  in  its  expenditures  being  not 
only  liberal  but  extravagant.  It  is  their  aim  that  it 
should  multiply  offices,  undertake  great  public  works, 
give  out  great  contracts,  embark  in  every  kind  of  under- 
taking, assume  every  duty  that  can  be  forced  into  the 
sphere  of  government  operations,  to  swell  its  patronage 
and  multiply  the  paid  dependants  on  its  bounty.  It  is 
their  government,  and  ought  to  be  their  servant,  bound 
to  do  their  work  in  securing  to  them  prosperity  in  the 
shape  of  good  employment  at  high  wages  at  least,  if  not 
a  fat  office,  or  a  profitable  contract. 

The  vast  majority  of  this  sovereign  people  derive  all 
their  political  notions  from  the  harangues  of  the  dema- 
gogues of  the  platform  and  tLi'  press,  men  seeking  their 
favour  and  vote  for  office,  or  their  support  to  some 
measure  in  v/hich  the  orator  has  a  direct  but  unseen 
interest.     The  vast  majority  of  the  sovereign  people  have 


•:  ^  . 



most  confused  and  false  notions  as  to  Aviiat  the  best  and 
most  powerfiil  government  can  do,  and  cannot  do  for 
those  who  Hve  under  it.  In  commenting  on  the  conduct 
of  pultlic  affairs  there  are  many  unwelcome  facts  to  be 
dealt  with,  many  unpleasant  truths  to  be  told.  But  the 
telling  of  unpleasant  truths  is  not  the  way  to  win  the 
mass  of  voters.  Those  public  men  whose  good  sense, 
foresight  and  honesty  lead  them  to  raise  a  warning  voice 
and  utter  unwelcome  truth,  to  point  out  obstacles  that 
obstruct  the  people's  wishes,  or  evil  consequences  that 
will  follow  their  wilful  course — these  men,  one  after 
another  are  dropped  out  of  public  life.  The  more  adroit 
courtiers  of  the  people,  those  'flattering  prophets  who 
prophesy  smooth  things,  prophesy  deceits;'  who  pander 
to  every  passion,  prejudice,  and  aniiuosity,  and  every  ex- 
travagant and  groundless  hope — nay  the  very  jesters 
and  buffoons  that  divert  the  crowd,  l)ecome  the  chosen 
counsellors  of  the  mob;  and  the  mob  is  kinsf. 

The  lower  the  stratum  of  population  on  which  you  lay 
the  foundation  of  political  power,  the  more  mixed  the  in- 
gredients of  that  stratum  in  race  and  charactei*,  the  more 
completely  you  throw  the  government  into  the  hands  of 
demagogues,  and  the  more  unscrupulous  these  dem- 
at-oiiues  become. 

It  is  by  no  means  yet  ascertained  that  an  unmixed 
Anglo-Saxon  population,  whose  hereditar}^  institutions 
and  customs  have  best  tended  to  train  them  for  it,  can 
mnintaiii  a  decent,  orderly  government  on  the  principles 
of  democracv  and  universal  sutJiai^e.  It  is  certain  that 
all  other  races  have  signally  faileil  (unless  the  Swiss, 
under  their  very  peculiar  circumstances,  form  an  excep. 









•.1  = 

tion,  and  we  do  not  know  this.)  It  is  certain  that  when 
you  introduce  citizens  of  inferior  races  you  increase  and 
complicate  the  difficulties^.  But  to  the  original  Anglo- 
Saxon  population  of  the  United  States  have  been  added 
millions  ox  foreigners,  most  of  them  of  races  that  have 
shown  pect'  'ia  la'^^titude  for  popular  government, 
several  millions  of  negi'oes  incurably  ignorant  and  in- 
capable by  race,  and  probably  far  more  future  millions 
of  Chinese;  for  it  would  be  treason  against  what  has 
become  the  fun  '  .  .  ^r;!  principle  of  the  government  to 
attempt  to  excludi;  i  i.  This  system  of  sovereign 
democracy  verges  close  ii;^>'^.\  a  reference  of  all  measures 

of  legislation  and  f 

Atliament  chosen  by  the 

loafers   and   tramps  that  ^"^v:^!   -.     •  every  part   of   the 

It  has  already  come  to  this,  that  the  sovereign  popular 
majority  can  never  again  be  represented  by  any  consider- 
able number  of  decent  and  honest  men.  Men  who 
respect  truth,  fair  dealing,  and  themselves,  cannot  go 
through  the  training  necessary  to  secure  the  favour  and 
support  of  the  local  constituency  of  a  section  of  this 
sovereign  mob.  And  he,  who  has  successfully  gone 
through  that  training,  is  not  fit  to  be  trusted  by  any 
honest  man,  or  in  any  honest  transaction.  The  direct 
effect  of  this  basis  of  government  is  to  fill  all  offices  with 
the  most  artful  and  unscrupulous  demagogues.  It  is 
only  by  a  rare  combination  of  chances,  or  by  the  influence 
of  very  great  abilities  that  an  honest  man  can  get  into  a 
post  of  importance ;  and  then  he  is  quite  out  of  counte- 
nance, on  looking  into  the  faces  of  his  brother  officials 
around  him. 



Previous  to  1800  the  Southern  States  undoubtciUy 
exercised  a  conservative  influence  Wiiich  checked  the 
growinL,^  corruption  of  men  in  office.  Most  of  the  South- 
ern representatives  were  sent  to  Washington  express!}^ 
to  watch  and  expose  and  oppose  the  frauds  and  pecula- 
tions of  politicians  and  i)lace-nien.  They  formed  an 
opposition  which,  although  it  failed  to  prevent  the 
systematic  robbery  of  the  South  by  the  government,  yet 
could  check  the  operations  of  individual  thieves  in  office 
and  of  rinirs  or  combinations  of  them;  and  although 
there  was  peculation  and  knavery  in  almost  every  branch 
of  the  public  service,  it  was  on  a  comparatively  small 
scale,  and  not  seldom  exposed  and  punished. 

But  the  overthrow  and  conquest  of  the  South,  swept 
every  Southern  statesman  and  patriot  from  the  halls  of 
Congress,  and  filled  their  places  with  Northern  adven- 
turers and  Southern  turn-coats,  who  could  be  bought  up 
with  a  round  sum,  or  negro  representatives  who  could 
be  bribed  at  less  cost.  Since  then,  frauds  and  plunder- 
ing in  high  places  have  multiplied  and  grown  to  gigantic 
stature.  Millions,  untold  millions  have  been  the  prize — 
for  no  one  knows  to  what  extent  the  ifovernment  and  the 
country  have  been  robbed.  What  a  startling  narrative 
of  rascality  in  high  places,  involving  Senators  and  Re- 
presentatives in  Congress — and  the  Vice-President,  is 
furnished  by  the  history  of  the  'Credit  Mobilier'  and 
the  sixty  millions  of  government  bonds  lent  to  aid  the 
Pacific  railroad;  and  by  the  purchase  of  the  utterly 
worthless  territory  of  Alaska,  and  the  difterence  between 
the  millions  the  United  States  paid  and  what  the 
Russian  government  received.     Need  we   refer   to   the 

\  ■ :  V ; 
.;. :  v' 

>,  ,•■•, 
■■'i .  I . . 

:  K.r 


..,  c 


^'      '  ll 


!,    -:€ 

I ::  m 




manifest  corruption  in  procurinj^  subsidies  to  the  Pacific 
Steam  Navi<ration  Co. — to  appointments  to  indian 
agencies  and  to  post  sutlcrsliips — to  tlie  immunity  from 
prosecution  of  tli.'  Whiskey  ring?  and  to  a  multitude  of 
transactions  of  the  same  stamp?  We  will  dwell  for  a 
moment  on  one  of  them. 

Perhaps  the  most  skillful  and  profitable  series  of  st(^ck 
jobbing  transactions  the  world  ever  witnessed  emanated 
from  Washington,  and  from  tln'  treasury  department 

Everybody  knows  that  while  the  currency  of  the 
United  States  for  years  has  been  National  bank  notes, 
and  the  legal  tender  notes  of  the  government,  yet 
nothing  but  gold  is  received  at  the  custom-house  in  pay- 
ment of  duties.  The  paper  money  (lying  promises  to 
pay)  being  plentiful,  and  gold  being  scarce,  paper  money 
fell  many  per  cent  below  gold  ;  or,  in  Yankee  parlance, 
gold  rose  many  per  cent  above  paper  money.  Their 
phraseology  avoided  stating  the  simple  and  obvious  truth 
that  it  was  the  paper  money  that  fell  and  fluctuated  in 
value,  not  the  goM  that  ros(i  in  price.  As  to  him,  who 
is  gliding  down  the  river  on  a  swift  boat,  every  object 
on  the  shore  seems  to  be  hurrying  up  the  stream,  so 
those,  who  had  embarked  themselves  and  their  fortunes 
on  a  fluctuating  paper  currency,  said  that  gold  was  rising 
in  value,  whenever  they  found  themselves  swept  down- 
ward by  the  ebb  of  the  financial  tide. 

As  every  one  that  imported  foreign  goods  needed  gold 
to  pay  the  duties,  there  sprung  up  a  market  for  gold 
coin — and  the  m-eat  but  fluctuating  demand  for  ixold  to 
pay    duties,   caused  a  corresponding  fluctuation  in  the 




Value  of  pjiper  money.  Some  times  it  took  more  papfv 
money,  and  sometimes  less,  to  buy  a  fixed  sum  in  gold. 
Tlie  notorious  gold  room  in  Now  York  was  the  scene  of 
the  excited  and  noisy  transfer  of  golden  millions  daily; 
and  became  the  financial  gamester's  hell.  For  soon  stock- 
jobbing operations  by  individuals,  and  by  conspiring 
rings  of  advi'nturers,  became  far  more  the  soni-ce  of  these 
transactions  than  the  commercial  demand  for  gold. 

The  fifovernment  was  the  <rreat  receiver  of  L-old, 
through  the  custom-house,  and  the  great  holder  of  gold; 
fo)',  keej)ing  it,  it  paid  all  its  current  expenses  in  paper 
money.  When  in  want  of  paper  money,  the  Sccivtary 
of  the  Treasury  would  put  some  millions  of  gold  in  the 
market,  and  sell  it  for  the  paper  with  which  he  paid  tl:!' 
current  expenses  of  the  government. 

A  judicious  and  patriotic  treasurer  would  not  miss  th(,' 
chance  of  doing  a  little  financiering  for  the  relief  of  a 
needy  government  and  depletiMl  treasury,  by  with-liold- 
ing  the  sales  of  gohl  until,  in  Yankee  parlance,  tlie  pi-ice 
rose  very  high,  that  is  until  a  great  deal  of  depreciating- 
paper  money  could  be  got  for  it.  Then,  by  sud'ienlv 
putting  it  into  the  market,  the  government  might  make 
many  a  good  bargain  out  of  the  buyers  of  goM.  In  order 
however  to  do  this  eft'ectunlly  it  would  l)e  necessary  to 
have  a  private  agent  authorized  to  contract  to  deliver 
gold  at  a  price  fixed  by  contract  at  an  appointtnl  day  to 
come.  For  the  moment  the  govei-nment  millions  came 
into  the  market,  the  price  of  gold  was  sure  to  tumble 
down  several  per  cent. 

Thus  the  value  of  paper  money,  (In  Yankee  parlance, 
the  price  of  gold)  was  made,  we  will  not  say  to  oscillate, 

'i  "r?f; 

\%  ' ' ' 

2"  '■ »  '■ 

"     ir 





for  oscillations  are  measured* by  equable  times,  but  to 
fluctuate  greatly,  going  up  and  tlown  at  most  uncertain 
p^'riods,  which  no  body  could  foresee,  except  those  who 
were  in  the  secret  of  the  golden  ebb  and  flow  <jf  the 
treasury  millions.  The  gold  room  at  New  York  fur- 
nished a  most  gigantic  and  exciting  game  of  hazard,  im- 
mensely profitable  to  those  who,  by  fee  or  favour,  could 
get  a  timely  hint  from  Washington,  the  head-quarters 
from  which  the  game  was  played. 

It  is  not  to  be  suj)posed  that  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  ventured  to  take  upon  himself  the  whole  re- 
sponsibility of  this  game,  which  so  seriously  affected  the 
value  of  the  whole  curiency  and  indebtedness  of  the 
country.  He  nmst  have  consulted  the  President  and 
his  cabinet,  and  secured  their  assent,  or  they,  not  under- 
standing it,  would  soon  have  put  a  stop  to  this  game 
which  was  played  most  briskly  in  1870  and  1871,  until  in 
the  latter  year  ^old  suddenly  ran  up  to  1.40,  and  higher, 
and  brought  on  the  '  Black  Friday'  which  not  only  ruined 
a  crowd  of  the  gamesters,  but  threatened  to  prove  that 
this  government  paper  money  might  be  worth  nothing 
after  all. 

After  this  catastrophe  the  treasury  department  felt 
compelled  to  use  the  government  gold  as  the  means  of 
steadying  the  value  of  the  paper  currency;  and  as  it  has 
been  able  to  do  this  ever  since,  it  is  evident  that  it  might 
have  done  so  before.  But  there  seem  to  have  been 
other  ends  aimed  at,  to  the  attainment  of  which  these 
sudden  fluctuations  in  the  value  of  the  currencv,  and  the 
power  of  producing  them,  appear  to  have  been  essential. 

The  'Black  Friday'  with  other  days  of  this  series  of 




Miiddon  financial  Hnctuations,  ruino<l  rrowils  of  jT^ainostors^ 
who  became  bankrupt  for  vast  amounts.  But  as  we 
never  heard  that  any  liigh  officials  at  Wasliington  were 
losers  on  these  occasions,  we  infer  that,  either  they  took 
no  part  in  the  game,  or  had  the  luck  to  be  always  on 
the  winning  side.  Much  money  was  doubtless  made  by 
well  timed  sales  of  o:overnment  gold.  But  how  much 
accrued  to  the  l»enefit  of  the  treasury,  and  how  nuich  to 
that  of  individuals,  we  know  not,  nor  will  ever  know. 

We  will  have  occasion  later  to  allude  ta  the  official 
robbery  of  almost  every  Southern  State  to  the  amount 
of  tens  and  twenties  of  millions  each,  bv  the  intrusive 
governments  forced  upon  them  by  the  North.  But  it  is 
impossible  to  exhaust  the  list  of  official  robberies,  and 
difficult  to  over-state  the  amount  \ 

The  pe.'ple  of  the  United  States  have  become  so  much 
accustomed  to  fraud  and  robbery  to  the  amount  of 
millions  by  high  officials  and  prominent  politicians,  by 
great  bankers,  merchants,  manufacturers  and  others 
controlling  great  capital  and  high  influence,  that  nothing 
of  this  kind  now  startles  them.  They  have  ceased  to 
look  or  ask  foi*  honesty  in  men  high  in  place.  They 
have  lost  their  perception  of  infamy;  and,  in  politics  at 
least,  quite  as  readily  trust  and  sustain  a  rogue  as  an 
honest  man.  Indeed  they  rather  prefer  the  rogue,  as 
they  hope  to  get  something  out  of  him,  and  his  ill  gotten 


We  will  give  an  instance  proving  this.  When  Mr. 
Charles  O'Connor,  sacrificing  for  a  time  his  professional 
inteiests  to  his  patriotism,  devoted  himself  to  ferreting 
out  the  official  rascalities  of  the  notorious  'Boss'  Tweed 

I.  r 

■  I 

..1  >• 

'♦■mi,  V 



;  V''5* 

1    ■       •^. 




;     ■: 

:  -  :>(: 



rHK    ex  IT  HI)    STATKS 

and  liis  colleagues,  by  whicli  they  hail  rolthed  the  city 
(jf  New  York  of  twenty-tive  inillion.s  of  dollars,  six  of 
which  millions  at  least  went  into  the  pocket  of  Twined 
alone — after  Mr.  O'Connor  had  made  these  monstrous 
rascalities,  and  especially  Tweed's,  manifest  to  all  men, 
hut  hefore  he  coiild  obtain  his  criminal  conviction, 
Tweed's  constituents,  the  inub  of  New  York,  sent  him 
back  as  a  senator  in  the  State  senate,  to  Albany,  the 
very  scene  of  nuiny  of  his  most  remarkable  .acts  of  cor- 
rupticm.  Could  he  even  now  wriggle  himself  out  of  the 
clutches  of  the  law,  while  yet  retaining  some  of  his 
pUnider,  the}'  are  (piite  capable  of  sending  him  back 
again  to  fill  the  senatorial  chair  as  the  representative 
most  worthy  of  his  constituents,* 

j-joss  Twe  'd,  we  believe,  was  originally  a  chair- maker, 
or  chair  painter,  or  of  somo  such  trade,  but  got  his  title 
of  'Boss'  by  becoming  a  master  workman  in  a  very 
different  line.  IJut  let  no  man  imaijine  that  Boss  Tweed 
is  an  anomalous  character,  or  has  run  an  anomalous 
career.  He  is  simply  a  well  marked  type  of  a  numerous, 
and  many  of  them  still  prosperous  class  of  officials,  to  be 
found  in  every  considerable  municipal  corporation,  in 
every  State  government,  in  every  department  of  the 
U.  S.  government,  in  the  house  of  Representatives  and 
the  Senate,  in  the  cabinet  and  tlie  diphmiatic  corps. 
Many  of  them,  like  Boss  Tweed,  have  come  to  grief. 
But  not  a  few,  whose  tortuous  and  dishonest  careers  are 
well  known,  still  letain  popular  favour  and  high  place. 

Nothing  can  be  more  false  than  the  supposition  that 
under  democratic  institutions  the  people,  or  a  majority 
*Thi8  was  written  before  Tweed's  death  in  the  penitentiary. 




..  SH' 

of  tlu;  people,  or  any  considerable  number  of  them  rule 
and  govern.  Under  any  form  of  government  whatever, 
the  exercise  and  administration  of  the  offices  and  powers 
of  government,  must  fall  into  the  hands,  not  of  the 
many,  but  of  the  few.  The  most  that  any  consideiable 
part  of  a  nation  can  do,  is  to  choose  the  official  agents 
by  whom  the  country  is  governed.  To  do  this 
wisely  and  honestly  is  a  very  nice  and  difficult  duty; 
and  the  election  of  all  officials  by  universal  suffrage  is 
the  certain  way  to  turn  all  the  duties  and  powers  of 
government  into  the  hands  of  the  most  designiuLT,  in- 
tiiguing,  and  ui 'scrupulous  demagogues — and  of  rings  or 
combinations  of  conspiring  demagogues,  to  be  used  for 
their  own  purposes,  to  the  damage  and  possible  ruin  of 
the  country.  Their  statesmanship  consists  in  hoodwink- 
ing one  part  of  the  people,  bribing  another,  and  [)lunder- 
ing  the  rest. 

The  United  States  are  far  too  sparcely  peophd  a 
country  for  them  naturally  to  feel  that  pressure  of  pop- 
ulation on  the  means  of  subsistence,  which  seems  to  be 
almost  unavoidable  in  old  and  populous  countries.  Yet 
they  have  come  in  for  more  than  their  share  of  all  these 
evils.  They  have  their  crowds  of  work-people,  periodi- 
cally, and  also  at  uncertain,  unexpected  occasions,  thrown 
out  of  employment,  and  on  the  verge  of  starvation  ; 
strikes  and  lock-outs  on  a  giant  scale;  leading  to  con- 
flicts between  labour  and  capital,  to  conspiracies  for 
secret  but  wholesale  murder,  of  which  the  Molly  Mc- 
Guires  are  but  one  example;  and  to  the  open  conflicts  of 
armed  thousands,  amounting  to  civil  war.  In  the  law- 
less outrages  in  the  Pennylvania  coal  regions,  and  in  the 










j;        ,,'.. 



till  t,v 



bloodshed  and  conflagrations  growing  out  of  the  groat 
strikes  of  railroad  employes  on  scores  of  roads  running 
through  many  states,  we  have  seen  only  the  beginning, 
not  the  end.  In  no  country  is  there  more  open  discon- 
tent and  secrt^t  plotting,  at  war  with  private  and  social 
rights  and  interests,  than  among  both  the  labouring  and 
the  idling  classes  in  the  United  States. 

It  is  true  that  this  government  by  the  people  has  for 
years  past  been  very  successful  in  making  the  fortunes 
of  those  who  could  obtain  office  under  it,  or  exercise  in- 
fluence over  those  who  are  in  office.  It  has  made  many 
men  rich — but  it  has  increased,  not  diminished  the 
number  of  the  poor,  and  deepened  their  poverty.  No 
country  is  more  over-run  with  loafers  and  tramps,  and 
the  surplus  of  the  latter  flow  over  the  borders  to  the 
great  annoyance  and  damage  of  their  Canadian  neigh- 
bours. The  countrv  is  over-run  with  abandoned  and 
criminal  characters  of  all  kinds,  many  of  whom  have  en- 
joyed and  availed  themselves  of  good  o[)portunities  of 
obtaining  an  education.  For  under  this  popular  govern- 
ment much  has  been  expended  in  educating  the  people; 
but  little  can  be  said  of  the  moral  effects  of  this  educa- 
tion. The  literary  training  of  the  people  serves  chiefly 
to  enable  them  to  enjoy  the  Newgate  calendar  narratives 
of  fresh  rascalities  and  atrocities  committed  in  various 
parts  of  the  country,  and  industriously  disseminated  by 
the  most  licentious  and  libellous  press  that  ever  infested 
any  country.  It  serves  to  familiarize  them  with  crime 
and  how  to  commit  crimes.  And  of  that  portion  of  the 
people  who  make  a  profession  of  religion  the  greater  part 
are  chiefly  interested  in  the  fulminations,  satires,  and 
slanders  issuing  from  most  licentious  pulpits. 

'.  'I 





Government  by  the  people,  from  the  broad  platform 
of  universal  sufFracje  as  the  soverek'n  source  of  all  law. 
has  utterly  failed  to  fulfil  its  promise  to  elevate  the 
material  and  moral  welfare  of  the  country.  It  has 
utterly  degraded  both. 

Having  said  so  much  of  the  source  of  government  and 
law,  we  will  now  speak  of  the  administration  of  the  law 
in  the  United  States. 

The  people  of  these  States  inherited,  with  English  law, 
a  wise  usafje  in  the  administration  of  the  law.  The 
judicial  office  was  made  the  object  of  ambition  to  the 
best  members  of  the  legal  profession.  It  was  entrusted 
to  a  lawyer  of  learning,  ability,  and  unspotted  reputa- 
tion. His  position  was  permanent.  Durti  bene  gesseret 
Nothing  short  of  impeachment  could  remove  him.  He 
stood  on  a  pedestal,  the  representative  embodiment  of 
impartial,  passionless  law — apart  from  professional  in- 
fluence, from  partisan  strife,  from  political  alliances,  from 
the  low  and  corrupting  intrigues  of  election  politics, 
from  busy,  money-seeking  pursuits;  his  time  and 
attention  engrossed  by  the  study  of  a  high  and  broad 
s^'stem  of  ethics,  and  in  the  application  of  its  principles 
to  the  disentangling  and  the  just  decision  of  those  per- 
petually occurring  contests  and  litigations  between  man 
and  man,  and  of  society  with  individuals.  If  he  camo 
but  half  honest  to  his  official  position,  lie  was  surrounded 
rluring  his  official  career  by  all  those  influences  which 
most  strongly  tend  to  make  a  man  wholly  honest;  and 
more,  a  learned,  wise,  and  independent  judge,  a  safe-guard 
and  ?.  treasure  to  the  state. 

That  dignified  and  trustworthy  magistrate,  the  judge 



1;  ::m 




dum  bene  gesseret,  whose  official  life  lasts  until  he  resigns 
his  office,  unless  it  can  be  proved  on  impeachment  that 
he  has  been  guilty  of  acts  that  render  him  unworthy  of 
his  post,  has  almost  vanished  from  the  horizon  of  the 
United  States.  It  is  true  that  the  remnant  of  that  docu- 
ment called  'The  Constitution  of  the  United  States'  yet 
retains  that  clause  which  provides  that  'judges  of  the 
Federal  courts  shall  hold  office  during  good  behaviour; 
But  the  judges  of  these  courts  have  long  been  selected 
and  put  into  office,  not  from  consideration  of  their  legal 
attainments  and  integrity  of  character,  but  for  their 
usefulness  and  subserviency  to  the  party  in  power. 
Numberless  facts  prove  this,  but  one  of  rather  late 
occurrence  will  suffice  for  an  example. 

The  States,  on  entering  into  the  Union,  bound  them- 
selves and  each  other  on  this  point:  'That  no  State 
should  make  anything  but  gold  and  silver  coin  a  tender 
in  payment  of  debts.'  They  had  just  had  late  and  sad 
experience  of  the  ruinous  and  dishonest  effects  of  paper 
money.  A  very  few  years  ago,  however,  the  United 
States  government,  being  in  urgent  need  of  the  means 
of  meeting  its  vast  and  corrupt  expenditures.  Congress 
authorized  the  issue  of  a  great  amount  of  treasury-notes, 
and  made  them  a  legal  tender  in  payment  of  debts. 
Most  unexpectedly  however  to  the  goveinment,  the 
point  coming  up  in  a  case  in  court,  a  majority  consisting 
of  the  older  judges  of  tlie  Supreme  Court  of  th(3  U.  S. 
suddenly  remembered  the  law,  the  Constitution,  and 
their  own  independent  position,  and  decreed,  five  against 
four,  that  Congress  had  no  power  to  make  paper  money 
a  legal  tender;  that  this  was   not   among   the    powers 






granted  by  the  States.  The  government  seems  however 
to  have  had  influence  enough  with  the  court  to  induce 
it  to  suppress  the  publication  of  this  decree  for  some 
months;  and,  death  meanwhile  removing  one  of  this 
stubborn  majority  of  the  judges,  a  more  subservient  man 
was  put  in  his  place.  The  question  was  then  reconsider- 
ed, and  it  was  decided,  five  to  four,  that  as  the  States 
had  denied  to  themselves  the  prerogative  of  cheating  the 
people  with  false  money,  therefore,  they  must  have 
granted  that  power  to  their  common  agent,  the  Federal 
government.  This  is  but  one  sample  of  the  many  per- 
versions of  constitutional  provisions — and  ot'  the  usurpa- 
tion of  powers  by  the  U.  S.  government. 

In  nearly  all,  if  not  all  the  States,  the  judges  are,  now, 
elected  by  the  popular  vote,  or  in  some  ca^es  by  the 
legislative  assembly.  They  hold  office  for  short  terms, 
two  or  four  years — receive  very  moderate  salaries,  and 
are  seldom  lawyers  of  the  better  class,  in  learning, 
ability,  or  character.  They  are  in  fact  far  more  poli- 
ticians than  lawyers.  Th(^y  owe  their  places  far  more  to 
party  afliliations  than  professional  qualifications,  and 
must  keep  in  with  and  serve  their  party  without 
scruple,  or  some  other  dominant  party,  if  they  seek  to 
retain  their  places  when  another  election  comes  round. 
We  have  at  times  seen  one  of  the  most  inferior  lawyers 
in  court,  sitting  on  the  bench  as  judge — and  this  is  a 
natural  result  of  the  mode  of  appointment.  We  believe 
that  in  ordinary  cases  the  decisions  are  in  conformity 
with  the  law  and  the  evidence.  But  there  are  solid 
grounds  for  the  belief  that,  where  large  amounts  and 
great   interests  are  at   stake,  which  can  aftbrd   heavy 

11:  :JksB 




*     < 


bribes,  neither  judges  nor  juries  are  often  found  incor- 
ruptaWe;  and  that  both  decrees,  and  verdicts  frequently 
have  been,  and  continue  to  be  bought,  perhaps  in  every 
State  in  the  Union.  Justice  is  orrowinnr  more  and  more 
corrupt  at  the  fountain  head — and  the  longest  purse 
furnishes  the  best  plea. 

Marriage  and  a  due  regard  to  the  obligations  of 
marriage  are  the  foundation  of  society,  of  morals,  and  of 
civilization.  The  people  of  these  States  inherited  from 
their  English  ancestors  the  true  principles  as  to  the 
objects  and  obligations  of  the  marriage  bond.  Eschew- 
ing the  loose  morality  of  the  Civil  law  which  facilitated 
divorce,  and  permitted  him  who  had  grown  old  in  a 
lewd  career,  to  legitimate  hii>  neglected  and  grown  up 
bastards  by  and  on  marrying  their  loose-lived  mother — 
the  English  law  taught  that  among  the  objects  of 
marriage  the  nurture  of  children  took  a  leading  place> 
and  that  legitimacy  consisted  in  being  born  in  lawful 
wed-lock.  It  moreover  laid  down  the  Christian  rule  as 
to  the  bindinof  nature  of  the  marriaofe  contract,  allowinof 
no  divorce  except  for  one  offence  against  the  marriage 
vow.  The  true  wisdom  and  sound  morality  of  this  law 
as  to  the  indissoluble  obligation  of  marriage,  and  this 
rigid  limitation  of  divorce,  is  proved  by  the  observed  fact 
that  wherever  it  is  most  difficult  to  obtain  a  divorce 
there  will  be  fewest  cases  in  which  it  is  desirable,  or 
desired  by  married  people.  Where  divorces  are  easily 
obtained  there  are  an  ever  increasinnf  number  of  cases 
in  which  there  are  good  grounds  for  seeking  it;  and 
moreover  that  it  is  often  eagerly  sought  for  insufficient 
causes,  and  obtained  by  fraudulent  and  criminal  means. 




There  is  no  one  test  from  which  we  can  better  infer  the 
yocial  and  moral  condition  of  a  peDple  than  that  of  the 
difficulty  or  the  ease  with  which  divorce  may  be 

The  laws  of  England  and  of  its  off-shoots  in  America 
long  discountenanced  divorce  from  the  bonds  of  matri- 
mony to  such  a  point,  that  a  decree  for  divorce  could 
only  be  obtained  in  England  by  act  of  parliament,  in 
the  colonies  by  act  of  Assembly.  The  great  cost  of 
obtaining  a  decree  by  act  of  parliament  (which  was 
always  founded  on  a  previous  legal  decision)  led  not 
many  years  ago  to  the  establishing  of  a  special  court  for 
•  the  decision  of  such  cases.  Divorces  have  become  more 
frequent  in  England,  but  are  still  rare,  and  only  decreed 
for  very  weighty  causes.  In  one  or  two  of  the  States 
this  necessity  of  a  decree  by  legislative  enactment  was 
retained  even  later  than  in  England;  and  in  one  State 
at  least,  but  a  few  years  ago,  there  had  never  been  a 
decree  for  divorce.  And  while  the  law  stood  thus,  cases 
calling  for  relief  by  divorce  never  were  rarer  in  any 

But  a  sad  change  has  taken  place  in  the  States,  in  the 
frequency  of  divorces,  and  in  the  frequency  of  the  cases 
which  would  justify  divorce  even  under  more  stringent 
laws  than  those  which  now  regulate  them.  The  Federal 
courts  have  not  as  yet  we  believe,  usurped  any  jurisdic- 
tion in  matters  so  foreign  to  the  purposes  of  their 
creation,  as  marriage  and  divorce.  But  in  almost  every 
State  the  old  rules  as  to  the  indissoluble  character  of 
the  marriage  bond  have  been  fearfully  relaxed.  In  many 
of  them  divorces  can  be  decreed  for  utterly  insufficient 














I*'    ■* 



'.  v._ 


;  1- ;,-  •• 


'  i''H 


■■>''  ,  ■    . 


■   ••' 


•<*■.  ■ ; 





Mi.  •;•! 




•     ■.■  *-  ■ 
•-  >• , ,  < 

>  ■ 

v;.  i.^ 

i  'i 




causes.  In  some  of  them  marriaije  seems  to  be  little 
more  binding  than  a  partnership  which  may  be  termin- 
ated by  a  three  months  notice  by  one  of  the  partners. 
Indeed,  practically,  notice  of  intention  to  sue  for  divorce 
does  not  always  seem  to  be  necessary.  Married  parties 
living  in  one  State,  have  found  themselves  divorced 
from  a  husband  or  wife  by  the  decree  of  a  court  in 
another  State,  in  a  suit  which  they  never  heard  of  until 
the  decree  was  pronounced — the  \  isband  or  wife  liaving 
gone  thither  and  resided  in  that  State  for  a  month  or 
two  in  order  to  give  the  court  a  colourable  jurisdiction. 
It  is  not  unusual  to  see  in  some  of  the  chief  journals  in 
the  United  States,  advertisements  by  legal  firms, 
announcing  that  they  -pay  especial  attention  to  divorce 
cases,  and  guarantee  to  procure  decrees  for  divorce 
speedily,  cheaply,  and  secretly.  Such  an  advertisement 
itself  should  be  made  a  felony. 

We  are  far  from  having  yet  seen  the  full  effect  of  this 
relaxation  of  the  marriage  bond.  The  morals  of  a  peo- 
ple never  rise  above,  often  sink  far  below  the  morality 
of  their  legislation.  It  is  in  vain  that  the  more  import- 
ant Christian  bodies,  the  church  of  Rome,  the  Anglican 
church,  and  some  others,  set  their  faces  against  the  re- 
cognition ot  these  divorces.  The  tide  of  profligacy  is  too 
strong  for  them. 

We  know  of  no  case  in  which  have  been  considered 
the  legal  effects  of  loosening  in  one  State  the  bond  of  a 
marriage  made  fast  in  another.  It  seems  to  us  that  in 
the  latter  State  such  a  decree  should  be  treated  as  a 
nullity.  But  we  fear  that  in  many  States  their  courts 
would  decide  otherwise. 




Thus  the  people  of  these  States  inherited  from  their 
English  ancestors  many  valuable  institutions.  Among 
tliese  one,  the  guarded  franchise,  was  the  Lest  safe-guard 
against  the  corruption  and  abuse  of  political  power,  and* 
preserved  the  possibility  of  reforming  the  government- 
Another,  the  independent  judge,  secured  the  wise  an  I 
inijmrtial  administration  of  justice.  A  third  maintained 
the  sanctity  of  marriage,  the  foundation  stone  of  society 
and  civilization.  But  the  people  of  these  States  have 
ruthlessly  thrown  away  these  principles,  as  valueless- 
and  it  is  scarce  worth  while  to  inquire  what  more 
they  have  thrown  away  with  them. 

■  ■  p-  I* 

■  iis'jk', 

:   ,  .ll 



<<  .•m:j 


v;.  «. 

The  Vast  Indebtedness  of  the  Country — and  its  Effects. 

Few  people  are  aware  of  the  immense  amount  owing 
in  the  United  States,  by  the  Federal  government,  by  the 
State  governments,  by  municipal  corporations,  by  rail- 
road, manufacturing,  mining  and  other  great  companies, 
which  have  long  been  offering  tempting  inducements  for 
the  vesting  of  capital  and  lending  of  money.  We  can- 
not ourselves  approximate  the  amount;  but  we  know 
that  it  is  so  great,  that  the  government  debt,  large  as  it 
is,  makes  no  large  part  of  it.  But  we  must  not  speak 
too  precisely  of  the  debt  of  the  government;  for  nobody 
seems  to  know  its  exact  amount,  not  even  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury.  For  the  statements  respecting  it,  pub- 
lished otticially,  have  been  several  times  inconsistent 
with  each  other.  There  has  been  for  some  years  a 
growing  suspicion  that  the  treasury  department  cannot 
publish  a  true  balance  sheet  if  it  would,  and  would  not 
if  it  could. 

Few  people  know  how  much  of  all  these  borrowings, 
investments,  and  expenditures  in  the  United  States  have 
little  or  no  profitable  or  useful  results  to  show  for  them. 
Out  of  numberless  examples  we  will  refer  to  two,  one  of 
a  public,  the  other  of  a  more  private  character. 

Three  or  four  years  ago  the  yearly  expenditure  of  the 
United  States  on  the  army  and  navy,  and  other  military 
objects  was  more  than  $80,000,000,  more  than  two  thirds 




that  of  Great  Britain.  But  Great  Britain  has  a  navy 
more  powerful  than  that  of  any  two,  perhaps  three 
otlier  powers,  and  one  of  the  most  powerful  armii  s  in  the 
world.  The  United  States  ca]\  hardly  be  said  to  have 
an  army,  some  22,000  oi-  23,000  troops ;  and  as  to  the 
navy,  it  has  not  one  single  powerful  iron-clad;  and  some 
four  ytars  ago  it  was  prevented  from  picking  a  ({uarrel 
with  Spain  and  stealing  Cuba,  simply  by  utter  inability 
to  face  the  Spanish  navy.  When,  after  appropriating 
380,000,000  a  year  to  maintain  the  army  and  navy,  the 
United  States  government  has  so  very  little  to  show  for 
it,  we  can  only  conclude  that  official  sharpers  have  inter- 
cepted two  thirds  of  the  money,  and  applied  it  to  their 
own  uses. 

That  net  work  of  rail-roads,  which  covers  the  United 
States,  was  built,  not  so  much  with  the  money  of  the 
stock-holdei-s,  as  wath  the  two  or  three  thousand  millions 
which  they  borrowed  on  the  bonds  of  the  companies  and 
the  mortgages  of  the  roads.  Very  few  of  these  roads 
have  proved  good  investments.  More  than  three-fourths 
of  them  are  but  monumental  mounds  raised  over  the 
money  buried  thero  by  the  stock-holders.  By  the  last 
accounts  we  have  seen  there  are  already  nine  hundred 
millions  of  these  rail-road  bonds  on  which  the  companies 
cannot  pay  one  cent  of  interest;  and  the  amount  is  on 
the  increase.  Is  the  principal  of  these  debts  too  to  b  • 
buried  under  the  monumental  mounds  that  stretch 
across  the  country?  This  class  of  dqbts  is  only  one, 
although  the  greatest,  of  many  classes  of  bankrupt  enter- 
prises, and  of  indebtedness  ruinous  alike  to  the  debtor 
and  the  creditor. 



,•'■  n- 




n , 

'    m^ 

■« , 

lil!  i 



,;.  (.. 


\Vc  miglit  give  nuinberloss  proofs  of  the  fall  in  the 
value  of  property.  A  few  will  suffice:  Much  real  estate 
in  New  York  has  been  lately  sold  for  less  than  it  was 
niortgage<l  for.  Very  lately  a  factory  in  8aleni,  Massa- 
chusetts, costing  $3,000,000,  sold  for  $1(50,000— one 
nineteenth  of  tin;  original  outlay.  And  still  worse — we 
see  announced  the  sale,  in  New  York  on  the  20th  June, 
187H,  of  300,000  acres  of  land  in  McDowell  County, 
Western  Virginia,  at  an  average  of  one  cent  per  acre. 
This  is  probably  mountain  land,  but  is  said  to  be  well 
wooded.  I'eing  on  the  borders  of  the  Northern  and 
(Southern  States,  the  price  indicates  a  monstrous  fall  in 
the  value  of  property  all  over  the  country. 

Passing  over  the  greit  banking,  minini;-,  and  manufac- 
turing enterprises,  and  the  land  speculations,  involving 
vast  amounts,  most  of  which  have  ended  so  disastrously 
for  the  undertakers  and  their  creditors,  we  will  dwell 
for  a  moment  on  a  minor  class  of  enterprises,  which  are 
very  characteristic  of  the  Yankee. 

The  people  of  the  United  States,  who  have  among 
them,  and  know,  very  little  of  what  people  of  the  higher 
class  in  other  countries  call  'society,'  have  yet  a  craving 
for  it,  and,  as  a  substitute,  are  fond  of  the  publicity  of 
'hotel  life.'  This  is  the  most  vulgar  taste  imaginable; 
but  it  serves  their  purpose.  The  amounts  expended  in 
building  monstrous  hotels  in  the  most  costly  styles,  in 
commereial  cities,  and  at  places  of  summer  resort,  is  as- 
tounding. And  tiie  rival  amounts  expended  in  furnish- 
insf  them  in  the  most  jxorueous  manner,  no  less  astound- 
ing.  They  put  to  the  blush  most  English  noble- 
men's mansions  and  many  a  princely  palace.     Most  of 




these  ainbitious  temples  of  ineiccnfii y  liospitality — have 
of  late  proved  uttiu-  failures.  Hotels  costin;^  each  one, 
and  even  two  ndllions,  and  the  furniture  costing;  several 
hundreds  of  thousands,  after  a  year  or  two  ha'  e  been 
.sold  for  tun  or  twelve  per  cent  on  tlieir  cost.  Just  at 
this  time  the  Yankee  cannot  atlord  luxurious  livinir,  and 
the  ostentatious  mimicry  of  refined  society,  atforded  by 
a  fasliionable  public  house. 

Having  said  some  things  jis  to  the  debts  of  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  let  us  inijuire  how  tliey  are  to  pay 
their  debts. 

It  is  difficult  to  fix  a  limit  to  the  amount  a  ijfovern- 
ment  may  owe,  and  also  to  how  much  the  people  in  the 
country  may  owe,  without  causing  serious  finan -ial  em- 
barrassment— provided  the  creditors  live  in  the  countiy, 
and  make  their  expenditures  an<l  investments  there. 
But  when  the  creditors  live  in  another  country,  and  have 
got  heartly  sickened  of  making  their  investments  in  the 
debtor  country — that  (dters  the  ensf.  For  instance:  At 
the  end  of  the  wars  with  France  in  1815,  Great  Britain 
owed  eight  hundreJ  and  forty  millions,  sterling.  This 
money  was  well  spent.  Better  owe  that  amount  th m  be 
over-run  and  torn  to  pieces  as  Prussia  was  in  1«S0G.  But 
this  debt  was  monstrous;  and  the  population  of  Great 
Britain  was  not  half,  nor  its  resources  one  third  of  what 
they  are  now.  Yet  from  that  day  to  this  the  govern- 
ment has  punctually  paid  27  or  28  millions,  sterling,  of 
yearly  interest  on  the  debt;  and  did  .so  without  ditti- 
culty,  because  the  creditors  lived  in  Great  Britain,  spent 
their  incomes  and  made  their  investments  there.  H 
these  millions  had  to    be   sent  annually  to  creditors  in 


"  -m 

I  !  1] 


i.;.  ». 




Germany  or  Franco,  the  payment  Wijiild  liave  l»een  a 
heavy  bunlen  on  tlie  eountry.  We  douht  vvliether  it 
would  lont(  liave  continued  to  he  paid  at  all. 

The  predicament  not  only  of  the  United  States  govern- 
ment, hut  of  the  States,  of  the  municipalities,  and  other 
great  corporations  all  ovei-  the  (Tuion  is  this:  They 
have  borrowed  freely,  for  tlieir  credit  was  immense;  they 
have  spent  freely,  and  often  extravagantly  through 
corrupt  and  unscrupulous  officials,  and  they  have  very 
little  to  set  off  against  their  debts.  There  are  cities  in 
the  Union  that  proclaim  themselves  bankrupt;  There 
are  other  bankru)  .ities  that  do  not  proclaim  the  fact. 
There  are  cities  that  reject  their  own  ^^oupons  in  pay- 
ment of  city  taxes;  just  as  the  U.  S.  government  rejects 
its  own  legal  tender  notes  in  payment  of  duties  at  the 
custom-house.  Now  althoujjh  the  U.  S.  and  the  State 
governments  cannot  be  sued — cities  are  merely  corpo- 
rate bodies,  and  can  be  sued  in  theory  of  law;  but  it 
seems  that  there  is  not  law  enough  in  the  country  to  en- 
force payment  of  debts  by  such  debtors. 

There  is  another  class  of  debts  of  a  peculiar  character. 
There  is  not  one  of  the  Southern  States  which  does  not 
apparently  owe  many  millions.  Louisiana  for  instance 
owes  fifty  millions.  The  State  was  not  much  in  debt  in 
18G5 — at  the  end  of  the  war  owing  but  ten  millions. 
The  other  forty  millions  accrued  under  the  intrusive 
government,  thrust  on  the  State  by  the  U.  S.  govern- 
ment, after  first  disfranchising  most  of  the  chief  men 
and  property  holders  in  the  State.  This  intrusive 
government  was  maintained  partly  by  the  support  of 
the  negro  voters,  but  more  by  the  intrigues  of  the  so- 



n  a 
r  it 



called  State  officials  with  those  in  ])ower  at  Washington, 
and  V)y  the  presence  of  tlu;  U.  S.  nulitary  force;  hut  for 
the  presence  of  wliich  this  revolutionized  government 
would  not  have  lasted  one  day.  The  policy  of  this  in- 
trusive government  was  confiscation  by  taxation.  This 
was  enjoined  them  by  their  allies  at  the  North.  The 
legislature  consisted  largely  of  negroes  whose  votes  were 
easily  and  cheaply  bought,  and  it  represented  no  prop- 
erty— for  most  of  the  holders  of  property  had  been  dis- 
franchised. The  taxation  was  raised  to  eijxht  or  ten  fold 
that  of  former  times.  But  this  did  not  satisfy  these 
hari)ies  in  office,  chiefly  Northern  men.  With  the 
sanction  of  thcii  bribed  legislature  they  issued  state 
bonds  bv  millions  and  tens  of  millions,  and  sold  them  in 
the  New  York  money  market  at  20,  40,  and  50  per  cent 
discount.  Forty  millions  of  the  Louisiana  state  bonds 
represent,  not  the  extravagance,  but  the  bribery  and 
direct  stealings  of  the  intrusive  officials  whom  the  U.  S. 
government  put  upon  the  State  and  long  helped  to 
maintain  there,  in  order  to  avail  itself  of  the  negro  vote- 
This  picture  of  the  condition  of  Louisiana  is  applica- 
ble to  that  of  most  of  the  Southern  States.  But  in  spite 
of  all  the  efforts  to  exasperate  the  negroes,  and  band 
them  together,  in  opposition  to  the  white  people,  the 
'  .tter  have  begun  to  regain  their  influence  and  control 
)ver  the  State  governments — and  most  of  the  late 
)fficials  have  found  it  convenient  to  avoid  the  investiga- 
tion of  their  doings  by  leaving  the  South. 

The  people  of  Louisiana  and  of  the  other  Southern 
States  ould  only  be  doing  themselves  justice  by  spung- 
ing  ou      very  dollar  of  debt  accruing  since  18G5 — that 





is,  on  an  avoage,  seven-eights  of  what  they  nominally 
owe.  They  will  find  it  difficult  to  pay  what  they 
justly  owe. 

The  condition  of  the  Southern  States  i-enders  this  re- 
pudiation certain,  and  the  sooner  it  comes  the  better. 

We  have  said  that  t]ie  airricultural  industry^  of  the 
South  is  paralyzed,  and  its  productions  diminishing, 
althought  not  as  fast  as  they  formerly  increased.  We 
have  said  that  the  neofroes,  no  lonijer  in  habitual  inter- 
course  with,  and  under  the  control  of  a  superior  race,  are 
dwindlin<>f  in  number,  and  fallinnf  back  from  civilization 
and  Christianity,  into  savagedom.  Remembering  that 
civilization  and  industry  walk  hand  in  hand,  what  can 
we  anticipate  for  the  indolent  and  improvident  negro? 
How  unreliable  is  free  negro  labour,  is  proved  by  the 
fact  that  the  sugar  planters  of  Jamaica,  Demerara,  and 
elsewhere,  although  surrounded  by  swarms  of  idle  and 
needy  negroes,  go  to  the  expense  of  contracting  for,  and 
importing  Coolies  from  the  other  side  of  tlie  world,  to 
labour  on  their  plantations.  Why  is  this?  Because 
agriculture,  depending  on  the  seasons,  requires  labour 
that  can  be  relied  on.  The  neofro  is  more  able  bodied 
than  the  Coolie,  and  more  at  home  under  the  tropical 
sun.  But  by  physical  constitution  he  is  a  drone,  and 
mentally,  little  capable  of  keeping  to  a  contract.  A 
careless  worker  at  best,  he  is  most  apt  to  absent  himself 
when  most  wanted,  as  in  seed  time  and  harvest — when 
every  day  lost,  hazards  the  returns  of  the  toil  and  out- 
lay of  the  whole  year.  The  Coolies,  as  a  race  are  steady 
and  skilful  labourers;  while  with  some  exceptions,  the 
negroes  both  in  Africa  and  elsewhere,  have  seldom  prac- 
tised any  but  an  enforced  industry. 

Ill  a 




But  we  have  said  little,  and  will  here  take  occasion 
to  say  some  things  as  to  the  condition  and  feelings  of 
the  white  people,  the  true  people  of  the  Southern 

They  are  fearfully  impoverished.  The  rich  have  he- 
come  poor,  and  the  poor,  with  few  exceptions  have  be- 
come poorer.  One  effect  of  this  poverty  is  that  the 
young  are  growing  up,  or  have  gi-own  up  w4th  few  of 
those  advantages  of  education  which  their  parents  en- 
joyed. Higher  education  requires  money  and  leisure, 
and  the  present  generation  have  neither.  Most  of  the 
better  class  of  schools  have  died  out  from  starvation. 
The  colleges,  such  as  survive,  dwindle  for  want  of  patron- 
age, and  of  funds  to  maintain  competent  instructois, 
always  difficult  to  find.  Many  of  the  more  able  and 
learned  clergy  have  been  driven  by  want  to  seek  livings 
in  other  parts  of  the  Union,  not  readily  found  there. 
Numbers  of  chuiches,  especially  in  country  neighbour- 
hoods, are  closed  from  utter  inability  to  supi)ort  a 
pastor.  The  military  schools,  of  which  there  were  form- 
erly one  or  more  in  each  State,  were  imperiously  closed 
by  the  Federal  government.  The  consequence  is  that, 
in  all  the  attributes  of  higher  education  and  civilization, 
a  very  inferior  generation  is  taking  the  place  of  that 
which  preceded  it.  It  took  several  generations  to  raise 
society  in  the  South  to  the  position  it  had  reached,  and 
which  was  highly  progressive.  It  will  require  but  one 
to  brins:  it  down  to  a  very  low  level.  Nothincr  has  con- 
tributed  more  to  the  rapid  fall  of  tone  and  feeling,  tlian 
the  fact  that  when  the  South  sprang  to  arms,  to  defend 
itself  against  its  assailants  and  invaders,  the  educated 



;r  'i 

I.  M- 




1",  ..* 




mere  forgeries  by  the  chief  officers  of  the  State.  We  do 
not  remember  the  amount  of  the  whole  of  these  issues; 
but  we  believe,  although  these  sums  sound  fabulous,  that 
the  Georgia  bonds  amounted  to  fifty  millions;  those  of 
Louisiana  to  forty  millions;  South  Carolina,  thirty-four 
million":  Alabama,  thirty-three  millions;  North  Caro- 
lina, twenty-five  millions;  the  very  poor  State  of 
Florida,  fifteen  millions. 

In  order  to  give  a  sort  of  sanction  and  security  to 
their  spoils,  these  official  robbers,  in  some  of  the  States* 
called  in  all  the  bonds  or  certificates  of  indebtedness, 
held  by  creditors  of  the  State  for  money  justly  and  long 
due — and  compelled  them,  under  the  threat  of  receiving 
nothing,  to  exchange  their  old  bonds  for  equal  amounts 
in  the  new  bonds  lately  issued;  the  object  being  to  ren- 
der the  honest  and  the  fraudulent  debts  undistinofuish- 
able  from  each  other. 

Now  that  the  true  people  of  the  Southern  States  are 
regaining  the  control  of  their  own  State  governments  in 
spite  of  the  machinations  of  their  Northern  enemies — 
they  have  two  financial  duties  to  fulfil.  One  is  to  look 
back  for  proofs  as  to  who  the  real  creditors  of  the  State 
were,  and  to  what  amount;  and  the  second  is,  to  repudi- 
ate every  State  bond  that  has  been  issued  since  18G5. 
These  are  merely  the  evidences  of  the  frauds  perpetrat- 
ed on  them  by  their  enemies.  When  they  have  dune 
themselves  that  justice  we  will  hear  no  more  of  nearly 
three  hundred  millions  of  fraudulent  State  bonds. 

Some  foolish  people  will  object  that  this  will  destroy 
the  credit  of  these  States.  But  that  will  prove  a  bless- 
ing.    Their  credit  has  been  a  curse  to  them,  being  the 




chief  moans  by  which  their  enemies  phindeied  them. 

But  nothing  is  more  contagious  than  repudiation.  It 
will  become  epidemic,  as  catching  as  small-pox  among 
an  unvaccinated  crowd.  What  the  Southern  States  can 
do  honestly,  and  will  be  great  fools  not  to  do,  will  be 
^  agerly  imitated  as  the  means  of  getting  rid  of  honest 
debts.  And  who  can  say  how  many  thousand  millions 
are  owed  abroad,  exactly  where  it  is  most  difficult  to  pay 
them?  It  is  very  inconvenient  to  the  U.  S.  m)vernment, 
the  greatest  debtor  in  the  country,  to  pay  one  hundred 
and  twenty  millions  of  interest  yearly;  and  most  of  this 
goes  out  of  the  country.  Many  of  the  Northern  Sfates 
owe  large  amounts.  Many  cities  are  deeply  in  debt. 
Nevv^  York  owes  at  least  one  h-  ndred  and  thirty 
millions,  Philadelphia  ninety  millions,  and  so  on.  A 
multitude  of  corporations,  besides  the  municipal,  owe 
many  millions  each.  Who  knows  how  much  of  all  this 
is  due  to  foreign  creditors?  We  do  not.  But  much  as 
the  people  of  the  United  States  boast  of  the  immensity 
and  value  of  their  wheat  crops,  we  doubt  whether,  on  an 
average  year,  the  whole  of  it  would  pay  the  interest  on 
their  foreign  debt. 

In  their  day  of  prosperity  both  the  government  and 
people  made  the  most  of  their  credit  by  running  bound- 
lessly into  debt  on  the  faith  of  resources,  which  have 
failed  or  are  fast  failing  them.  They  have  lost  the  pro- 
ductions of  their  tributary  Southern  provinces,  where 
the  crops  at  the  best  barely  rei)ay  the  cost  of  growing 
them.  They  have  lost  the  profits  of  their  manufactui*- 
ing  investments,  based  on  their  command  of  the  trade 
and  tribute  of  these  provinces.      They  have  sunk  a  vast 


!:  m 
[■  it*-' .' 

it*.     . 
I..       ^' 

^    ^1 



I    ^ 



robbers,  who  have  plundered  the  Southern  States  for  the 
last  twelve  years,  they  cannot  fail  to  recognise  the  emis- 
saries of  that  whole  people  who  have  been  plundering 
and  insulting,  and  striving  to  degrade  them  for  fifty 
years.  As  to  any  part  they  can  take  in  the  struggles 
for  power  in  the  Union,  it  is  merely  choosing  which 
party  they  shall  be  robbed  by,  for  this  systematic 
robbery  of  the  agricultural  South  continues  in  full  force. 
With  his  experience  of  their  character  and  conduct,  the 
only  natural  and  just  sentiment  a  right  thinking  South- 
ern man  can  cultivate  towards  the  mass  of  people,  with 
vrhich  his  State  was  formerly  unhappily  confederated, 
and  to  which  it  is  now  more  unhappily  subjected,  is  a 
sound,  wholesome  feeling  of  detestation.  He  can  only 
lose  this  feeling  by  the  perversion  of  his  moral  sense,  by 
losing  his  perception  of  the  distinction  between  truth 
and  falsehood,  between  right  and  wrong.  If  he  be  vin- 
dicative as  well  as  conscientious,  he  may  find  some  con- 
solation on  seeinj;  that  in  brino^in^  down  an  avalanche 
on  the  South,  his  enemies  have  covered  themselves  with 
the  same  mass  of  ruin. 

The  people  of  the  Southern  Statvs  have  at  times  lately 
shown  an  animosity  at  least  partially  misdirected,  the 
result  of  the  natural  antipathy  between  different  races. 
Many  of  them  have  exhibited  more  bitterness  against 
the  negroes,  who  have  been,  for  all  political  purposes^ 
mere  tools  in  the  hands  of  others,  th  i  auainst  the  true 
enemies  of  the  South.  It  is  true  that  the  insolence  and 
outrages  of  the  negroes,  when  stirred  up  and  spurred  on 
by  agents  who  cautiously  kept  themselves  in  the  back- 
ground— have  been  most  exasperating.     But  nothing  can 




justify  that  animositj^  against  the  negroes,  if  it  be  not 
backed  by  a  deeper  animosity  against  the  people  of  the 
Northern  States. 

It  would  be  strange  and  unnatural  if  the  people  of  the 
South  silently  and  quietly  acquiesed  in  the  domination 
of  the  Government,  for  any  other  reason  than  that  they 
see  no  prospect  of  getting  rid  of  that  domination.  They 
are  still  systematically  robbed,  but  their  poverty  yields 
little  plunder. 

Havini?  said  thus  much  of  what  the  feelincrs  of  the 
people  of  the  Southern  States  are,  and  ought  to  be — we 
will  return  to  their  financial  condition. 

Most  of  the  States  owed  some  debt  before  the  war. 
But  the  heaviest  was  small  compared  with  the  resources 
of  the  State  at  that  time.  These  debts  are  still  justly 
due,  but  it  will  task  these  now  impoverished  States  to 
pay  them.  Some  of  these  States  incurred  further  debts 
durins:  the  war  and  for  its  maintenance.  But  the 
United  States  government  compelled  them  to  repudiate 
these  obligations.  It  taught  tliem  a  lesson  in  repudia- 
tion. Yet  these  were  honest  debts  binding  on  the  con- 
science of  the  States. 

When  the  State  governments  were  overthrown  and  re- 
modelled according  to  orders  from  Washington,  the 
Northern  men  and  Southern  turn-coats  into  whose 
hands  place  and  power  fell,  availing  themselves  of  the 
aid  of  the  negro  majorities  in  the  State  legislatures, 
issued  from  time  to  time  larjxe  amounts  of  State  bonds, 
as  the  means  of  bribing  the  legislature,  but  yet  more  of 
making  their  ow^n  fortunes.  Many  of  these  bonds  had 
not  even  the  sanction  of  a  bribed  legislature,  but  were 






;<•  "»'■ 

clasios  were  naturally  most  awake  to  the  danger,  and 
most  alive  to  the  duty  of  promptly  defending  their 
country.  The  ranks  of  the  volunteer  army  were  largely, 
perhaps  chiefly  filled  by  the  young  men  of  the  best,  and 
best  educated  classes,  those  that  more  often  furnish  the 
oflicers  than  the  privates  of  an  army.  The  greater  part 
of  this  class  of  volunteers  fell  in  the  four  years  war, 
many  of  them  as  ofiicjrs,  but  many  still  in  the  ranks. 
There  are  few  large  and  well  known  family  connections 
in  the  South  which  cannot  count  up  several  of  its  most 
valued  scions  thus  lost  to  them;  and  many  a  family 
circle  is  left  without  a  male  heir.  The  better  part  of  the 
high  spirit,  of  the  mental  culture,  of  the  noble  aspirations 
in  the  South  was  prematurely  cut  off — thus  happier  than 
the  part  that  survived  it. 

But  changed  and  fallen  as  the  South  is,  it  cannot  yet 
have  forgotten  the  position  it  once  occupied,  or  what 
and  who  they  were  that  reduced  it  to  its  present  con- 
dition. It  is  true  that  there  are  souie  men,  once  the  fore- 
most and  loudest  among  the  patriots  of  the  Southern 
States,  and  some  of  whom  had  even  distinguished  them- 
selves in  the  Confederate  service,  who  now  render  them- 
selves conspicuous  by  their  eager  efforts  to  conciliate 
their  old  enemies.  These  men  beloncr  to  that  class 
whose  souls  revolt  at  having  been  caught  on  the  losing 
side  of  a  conflict.  They  feel  an  irresistible  craving  for 
office  and  prominent  position,  and  these  things  are  now 
in  the  gift  of  the  enemies  of  their  country.  To  satisfy 
this  craving  they  are  eager  to  fraternize  with  the 
enemy.  They  not  long  since  thoroughly  detested  the 
United  States  flag  as  the  symbol  of  a  usurping  tyranny* 






Now  they  feel  a  reviving  affection  for  the  oM  stars  and 
stripes.  They  seek  occasions  to  display  it  ostentatiously 
and  to  parade  under  its  folds.  The  ranks  of  the  old 
volunteer  corps,  reduced  to  skeletons  in  the  war,  they  re- 
fill with  new  recruits,  and  exchange  military  visits  with 
similar  bodies  in  Northern  cities,  feast  with  them,  and 
pledge  themselves  to  patriotic  union  and  personal  friend- 
ships, disgraceful  if  false,  more  disgraceful  if  true.  They 
escort  Yankee  orators  on  their  tours  throufjh  the  con- 
quered  South,  and  listen  to  and  applaud  their  advice  to, 
and  comments  upon,  the  people  of  the  conquered  country. 
They  lackey  the  heels  of  a  prominent  enemy  of  their 
State  and  country,  assiduously  seeking  his  favour  and 
patronage,  because  he  is  the  successful  usurper  of  what  is 
itself  a  usurpation,  having  stolen  the  chief  magistracy  of 
a  government,  the  existence  of  which  is  robbery  and 
tyranny,  and  ruin  to  the  Southern  States.  After  the 
disastrous  issue  of  the  war  in  their  defence,  these  ai'e 
the  men.  whose  restless  vanity  and  self-seeking  for  office 
and  favour  thrust  them  forward  as  the  healers  and 
patchers  up  of  the  breach  between  the  two  parts  of  the 

But  surely  we  misjudge  the  South  if  we  interpret  the 
silent  many  by  the  talking  few.  It  is  not  thirteen  years 
since  the  people  of  the  Southern  States  were  engaged  in 
a  war  in  defence  of  all  that  was  dear  to  them.  Those 
who  can  think  and  feel,  cannot  doubt,  to  day,  that  the 
cause  in  which  they  took  arms  was  quite  as  just  as  they 
imagined  it  be  in  1801.  All  the  consequences  that  have 
followed  the  failure  of  the  'Lost  cause'  make  the  justice 
of  that  cause  more  manifest.     In  the  official  thieves  and 




■■;.:<  ♦. 


amount  in  a  net-work  of  rail-roads  nil  over  tlie  couiitrv, 
wliich  barely  yield  the  cost  of  miming  theui.  They 
have  lost  their  once  profitable  ship-building,  and  their 
carrying  tradt;.  They  have  laid  waste  their  forests,  and 
lost  their  timber  trade.  They  have  exterminated  the 
wild  animals  of  the  country,  from  the  buffalo  to  the 
beaver,  and  have  lost  their  fur  and  peltry  tiade.  They 
have  exhausted  the  virgin  soil  of  the  country,  and  are 
making  half  crops  from  worn  out  lands.  They  have 
turned  the  fertility  of  the  country  into  money,  and  have 
now  neither  the  money  nor  the  fertility.  They  h»ve 
borrowed,  traded,  built,  invested  and  spent,  as  if  they 
were  very  rich;  and  are  just  beginning  to  find  out  that 
they  are  very  poor. 

The  inventive  Yankee  has  lately  added  a  new  term  to 
commercial  and  financial  phraseology;  but  not  before  he 
had  urgent  need  of  it.  It  is  that  ominous  word  'Shrink- 
age.' They  now  find  frequent  occasion  to  use  it.  With 
them  now  everything  is  shrinking.  Until  lately  every 
one  of  them  has  been  revelling  in  the  hope  of  making 
his  fortune  by  some  stroke  of  genius  or  luck.  What- 
ever he  got  hold  of  he  exaggerated  its  value,  even  to 
himself,  and  yet  more  to  other  people.  He  spent  money 
and  incurred  debt  on  it,  and  looked  for  great  profit  from 
it.  He  was  continually  buying,  selling,  borrowing- 
money,  and  lending  credit,  until  gradually  he  finds  that 
his  promising  investments  are  making  very  poor  returns, 
and  his  profits  are  turned  into  losses.  Everything  in  his 
hands,  stocks  of  all  kinds,  banking,  rail-road,  manufac- 
turing, mining,  and  lands  both  for  building  and  farming 
— all  his  speculations  shrink,  and  shrivel,  and  wither  up. 




unveiling'  the  vast  amount  of  folly  and  rascality  which 
has  been  at  work  ))ehin(l  them.  Everything  of  theirs 
has  shrunken  but  their  indebtedness. 

But  they  do  not  see  how  permanent  this  shrinkage  is. 
Sanguine  people  in  the  United  States  look  upon  the 
present  financial  embarrassment  and  industrial  distress 
as  a  crisis  caused  by  over-trading  and  the  abuse  of  credit 
in  its  various  forms,  especially  that  of  credit  money, 
paper  promises  to  pay  coin.  This  they  think  has  caused 
a  disturbance  in  the  distribution,  for  a  time  interrupting 
the  production,  of  all  that  makes  wealtli.  Like  olher 
such  ciises,  they  think,  it  will  soon  pass  away. 

But  in  those  crises  the  causes  were  temporary,  and  the 
effect  temporary.  Now  the  causes  are  permanent,  and 
the  effect  will  be  permanent.  The  means  of  production 
are  permanently  diminished,  and  further  diminution 
goes  on.  The  fertility  of  the  South  is  as  unavailaV)le  for 
profitable  production  as  if  its  soil  had  l)een  sti-icken 
with  barrenness.  All  the  vast  outlay  of  the  North  in 
order  to  avail  itself  of  the  production  and  the  market  of 
the  South  and  the  tribute  it  drew  from  thence,  is 
utterly  thrown  away.  The  Southerner  was  their  best 
customer  once,  but  he  is  bankrupt  now  and  in  gaol. 
His  assets  do  not  pay  the  whole  cost  of  keeping  him 
there.  When  the  rest  of  the  Union  come  to  look  into 
their  owm  resources  at  home,  those  from  field  and 
forest,  from  manufactures,  commerce  and  tlie  merchant 
marine,  they  are  found  to  be  wasting  away  from  year  to 
year.  As  the  population  of  the  United  States  grows, 
the  more  exhausted  and  bare  and  stubborn  will  thev^ 
find  the  regions  out  of  which  they  must  draw  the  means 



h  w.. 

.,■  }* 

:  5 ir. 


'    I, 

.•■■  'l 



of  living.     A  Chinese  industry  and  economy  must  revj- 
lutionize  their  habits  of  life. 

Of  the  immense  indebtedness  of  the  government  and 
people  of  the  United  States,  more  than  half  is  due  to 
foreigners.  It  is  peculiarly  difficult  to  pay  foreign  debts. 
Perhaps  that  is  not  the  worst  point  of  view  for  the  cred- 
itor. There  is  very  little  desire  to  pay  them.  There  is 
a  strong  prejudice  everywhere  against  absentee  pro- 
prietors. And  that  is  exactly  the  position  the  foreign 
creditors  hold.  To  pay  them  their  rent  the  United 
States  must  every  year  export  at  least  two  hundred 
millions  worth  more  than  they  import.  Yet  there  is  a 
school  of  economists  who  absurdly  say  that  the  balance 
of  trade  is  in  favour  of  a  country — when  it  exports 
more  than  it  imports. 

But  the  United  States  government  has  educated  the 
people  not  to  pay  debts  when  they  become  burdensome; 
and  they  have  learned  their  lesson  thoroughly.  We  will 
give  one  proof  of  this. 

The  States,  when  they  formed  the  Union,  were  well 
aware  of  the  mischief  produced  by  liaving  ditierent  laws 
on  the  subject  of  bankruptcy  in  each  of  the  thirteen 
States  so  closely  allied  in  commerce  as  well  as  politics. 
So  one  of  the  powers  tbey  delegated  to  the  Congress  of 
the  U.  S.  was  'To  establish  uniform  laws  on  the  subject 
of  bankruptcy  throughout  the  United  States'  Now  the 
conceptions  as  to  what  bankrupt  laws  were,  in  the  minds 
of  the  State  delegations  which  drew  up  and  executed 
that  treaty  called  'the  Constitution  of  the  U.  S.'  were 
derived  from  British  legislation.  Every  lawyer  knows 
that  the  chief  object  of  the  British  bankrupt  laws,  and 



of  those  of  other  European  nations,  was  to  protect 
honest  creditors  against  fraudulent  debtors;  and  that 
the  bankrupt  laws  applied  only  to  persons  in  trade.  The 
debtor  dof.^  not  seek  the  protection  of  the  bankrupt 
law;  but  the  creditor  does. 

But  by  the  legerdemain  of  the  U.  S.  Congress  it  became 
the  debtor  of  every  kind,  not  traders  only,  who  took 
advantage  of  the  law,  while  the  creditors  sought  to  keep 
him  out  of  bankruptcy.  The  intention  of  that  clause  in 
the  Constitution  was  that  Congress  should  provide  one 
permanent  statute  of  bankruptcy,  to  be  enforced  in  all 
the  States  and  in  the  State  courts.  Congress  did  some- 
thing very  different.  For  not  a  few  years  it  provi<Jed 
no  bankrupt  law  at  all.  But  on  the  first  great  financial 
crisis,  such  as  once  or  twice  in  a  generation  seems  to  h(*- 
fall  every  commercial  country,  Congress  was  beseig<'d 
by  all  the  rash  and  wild  speculators  and  reckless 
runners  into  debt,  who  clamoured  for  a  bankrupt  law 
for  their  relief.  The  prayer  was  granted.  It  may  well 
be  supposed  that  a  bankrupt  law  passed  in  this  spirit 
made  very  impei'fect  provision  for  guarding  the  credit- 
ors from  the  grossest  frauds.  When  all  the  entei-prising 
but  luckless  speculators  of  that  day  had  been  relieved 
of  their  burdens,  in  order  that  they  might  start,  lighten- 
ed of  all  incumbrance,  in  a  new  pursuit  ot  vast  and 
speedy  gains,  the  bankrupt  law  was  repealed;  and  not 
until  a  new  financial  crisis,  and  fresh  clamours  from 
ruined  gamesters  called  for  it,  was  another  bankrupt 
law  provided  for  their  relief.  The  United  States  have 
had  several  of  these  temporaiy  bankrupt  acts — and  have 
at  times  been  for  years  without  any,  until  a  new  finan- 


♦*  ♦ 

..,.,       4J 

i.  ■  ¥.'■,-  ^ 



cial  crisis  called  for  one.  In  trutli,  they  were  not  bona 
fide  bankrupt  la\vs — but  an  occasional  provision  made 
for  the  wiping  out  of  debt.  Tlie  peojle  have  been 
thoroughly  ecUieated  on  this  point. 

But  as  to  the  matter  of  how  to  avoid  fulfilliuff  tlieir 
engagements,  and  liow  to  circumvent  who  deal 
with  tliem,  tlie  di[)loinatie  dealings  of  their  own  govern- 
ment afford  them  many  valuaVjli!  lessons. 

We  have  not  time  to  refer  to  more  than  one  or  two  of 
these  many  achievements  in  negotiation.  While  the 
United  States  has  given  no  indemnification  or  even 
apology  for,  or  security  against  such  national  outrages  as 
the  Fenian  expeditions,  planned,  organized,  and  openly 
set  on  foot  in  the  U.  S.,  and  which  the  government 
made  no  eainest  effort  to  prevent,  and  by  which  the 
British  Dominion  of  Canada  was  invaded  by  armed  and 
organized  forces  marching  out  of  the  U.  S.  and  which 
had  to  be  diiven  back  by  Canadian  volunteers  and 
British  soldiers — while  the  sympathisers  in  the  U.  8. 
with  the  Cubans,  in  arms  against  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment, were  fitting  out  in  the  ports  of  the  U.  »S.  armed 
expeditions  in  aid  of  the  Cuban  rebels — at  this  very 
time  the  U.  S.  government  had  the  assurance  to  demand 
of  the  British  government  indemnification  for  the  dam- 
age done  to  the  commerce  of  the  U.  S.  by  certain  con- 
federate cruisers,  the  Alabama  and  others,  on  the  ground 
that  these  steamers  had  been  bought  in  England — and 
their  annaments  bad  also  been  procured  there.  The 
Confederate  agents  had  indeed  made  these  two  descrip- 
tions of  purchases  separately,  and  then  skilfully  brought 
them  together  at  sea,  oi*  in  foreign  ports.     Now  British 



s]iip-]»uiI<lci-8  have  been  constantly  sellin*,'  ships  to 
foi-ei^n  «^oV(Mnnit'nt.s  and  indiviihials.and  nianufacturors 
of  arms  of  all  sorts  carryini'  onasiniihir  trath'.  As  lin;' 
as  armed  vessels  prepared  for  war,  and  ()r<^ani/ed 
military  expeditions,  do  not  sail  from  British  ports,  the 
government  is  not  responsible  for  the  ultimate  use  of 
these  warlike  ai)pliances. 

The  strange  part  of  this  affair  is  that  the  Yankees 
were  successful  in  making  good  their  claim  for  <lamages. 
They  induced  the  British  government,  in  a  (piaker-like 
spirit,  to  refer  the  question  to  arbitration,  and  they 
mani{)ulated  the  arbitrators  so  skilfully  that  they 
adjudged  to  them  sixteen  millions  of  dollars  damages; 
and  when  they  carried  the  money  home  they  found  out 
that  the  real  damage  thi-ir  merchants  and  ship-owners 
had  suffered  amounted  to  only  half  tliat  sum.  What 
sort  of  inducement  had  they  used  to  lead  the  arbitrators 
to  adjudge  double  the  amount? 

Wliat  we  cannot  understand  is  how  any  British  min- 
istry, without  liaving  demanded  indemnification  for 
such  notorious  and  insulting  outrages  as  the  Fenian  in- 
vasions of  Canada,  openly  gotten  up  in  the  United 
States,  and  without  exacting  security  against  their  re- 
currence, should  have  listened  for  one  moment  to  so 
flimsy  a  claim  as  that  for  the  damage  done  by  the  Con- 
federate cruisers. 

It  can  only  be  accounted  for  by  the  peculiarity  of  Mr. 
Oladstonc's  statesnianship,  which  consists  in  yielding  up 
a  little  of  the  rights  of  his  friends,  in  order  to  pacify  and 
conciliate  his  enemies — be  they  Fenian  Irish,  interlojj- 
ing  Yankees,  or  bullying  Germans. 





.'  »»/ 


It  is  just  in  this  spirit  that  Mr.  Ohidstone's  colleague 
for  foreign  affairs,  Lord  Granville,  dealt  with 
Bisrnark's  insolent  and  bullying  complaint,  that  the 
British  manufacturers  were  selling  arms  and  munitions 
of  war  to  the  French  government,  with  which  German v 
was  at  war;  doing  exactly  the  same  thing  that  the 
German  government  permits  the  great  Krupp  cannon 
foundry  to  do:  to  supply  hundreds  of  heavy  rifle  cannon 
to  Russia,  which  is  at  war  with  Turkey,  Germany 
being  at  peace  with  both  countries. 

The  diplomatic  Lord  Granville  did  not  reply,  that, 
Groat  Britain  being  at  peace  with  France,  British  man- 
ufacturers had  a  ri';ht  to  sell  to  France  whatev'.-r  France 
wanted.  That  if  chis  supplying  France  with  British 
made  arms  embarrassed  the  German  government,  it  had 
only  to  blockade  the  French  ports  in  accordance  with 
the  law  of  nations.  Until  that  was  done  the  British 
government  would  see  that  British  trade  was  not  inter- 
fered with  by  any  foreign  power. 

The  diplomatic  secretary  returned  no  such  manly 
answer.  It  was  not  in  him.  But  ho  bowed,  and  polish- 
ed one  palm  against  the  other,  and  apologized  and  ex- 
plained, and  protested  that  Great  Britain  beamed  with 
good  will  towards  Germany,  and  begged  leave  to  assure 
the  German  chancellor  that  he  felt  for  him  the  most  dis- 
tin<;uished  consideration. 

Wj  must  go  at  least  as  far  back  in  English  history  as 
the  reign  of  Charles  the  2nd.,  to  find  so  cringing  a  min- 
istry, so  rei  dy  to  sacrifice  the  honour,  interest,  and 
safety  of  their  country,  to  keep  themselves  in  power. 
What  chance   had    such    statesmen   with   the 






Yankee,  who  had  impressed  them  with  the  conviction 
that  he  was  a  great  power,  and  who  knew^  their  dread  of 
war,  and  their  readiness  to  pay  Dane-gelt  to  buy  their 
peace?  Had  the  United  States  been  some  petty  state 
tliey  would  have  treated  the  claim  for  damage  from  the 
Confederate  cruisers  with  contempt.  Little  did  they 
know  the  true  condition  of  the  United  States,  and  their 
inability  to  wage  war  with  anybody.  They  had  just 
sneaked  out  of  a  war  with  Spain,  from  whom  they  wish- 
ed to  steal  Cuba.  The  United  States  have  no  real  navy, 
although  they  pay  for  one;  not  even  one  powerful  ship. 
A  few  British  iron  clads  could  seal  up  their  ports,  and 
let  them  fume  aAv^ay  their  rage  under  blockade.  The 
United  States  cannot  now  wage  war  even  with  so  feeble 
a  powei  as  Mexico.  They  cannot  raise  the  money 
necessary  to  carry  it  on.  To  every  million  expended  in 
efficient  preparation  and  operations,  a  margin  of  two 
millions  and  more  nmst  be  allowed  for  peculation,  waste, 
and  stealage. 

Another  instance  at  home,  will  show  the  peddling 
littleness,  as  well  as  the  fraudulent  nature  of  Yankee 
diplomacy.  Within  five  years  or  so,  the  government 
made  a  treaty  with  a  tribe  of  Indians,  by  which  the 
tribe  had  allotted  to  them  as  their  reserve,  that  is  their 
permanent  territory,  a  region  embracing  the  Black  Hills 
in  Dakota,  and  some  of  the  surrounding  country.  This 
region  was  wretchedly  poor,  and  nobody  wanted  it. 
But  the  indians,  beinir  in  the  power  of  the  government, 
accepted  the  treaty,  taking  what  they  could  get.  But, 
a  year  or  two  after,  it  w^as  rumoured  that  rich  veins  of 
gold   had  been   found   in   the   Black   Hills.     At    once 




'-4-    f 


b  h4 



y    '      ' '. 

adventurers  of  the  mc^st  reckless  character  becfan  to 
flock  thither.  The  goveriniient  found  that  the  lands 
were  too  valuable  to  be  left  in  the  hands  of  the  Indians, 
and  at  once  set  about  upsetting  its  o  A^n  treaty;  and  the 
indian  chiefs  were  summoned  to  Washington  to  make  a 
new  one.  We  need  not  tell  our  readers  that  the  Indians 
lost  the  Black  Hills.  There  is  a  good  deal  of  obscurity 
in  these  negotiations,  of  which  we  get  only  the  Yankee  ac- 
count. But  the  terms  in  which  they  report  the  events 
in  their  indian  wars  betray  their  mode  of  dealing  with 
the  indian.  When  some  hero  like  General  (lister  rides 
with  his  dragoons  into  an  encampment  of  a  hundred 
indian  lodges,  and,  the  warriors  being  all  away  hunting, 
he  massacres  four  or  five  hundred  squaws  and  children — 
that  is  a  glorious  victory  !  When  the  same  hero  rides 
into  another  indian  village,  but  there  happen  to  be  at 
hand  a  thousand  or  twelve  hundred  lodo-es  which  he 
did  not  see,  and  all  the  warriors  being  at  home,  fall 
upon  him,  and  cut  oft'  his  command  to  the  last  man, 
the  whole  Yankee  country  raise  a  howl  at  this  '  horrid 
massacre  !'  They  have  so  perverted  the  use  of  language 
that  thev  have  lost  the  sense  of  truth. 

We  have  not  time  to  quote  further  examples  of  their 
diplomacy.  We  have  heard  ot  Punic  faith,  we  know 
something  of  Russian  diplomacy,  we  are  familiar  with 
Napoleonic  negotiations,  both  '  par  nioi  ef  vion  onclcj 
we  have  seen  something  of  Bismarck  policy  ;  but  for 
solid,  downright  political  swindling,  both  at  home  and 
abroad,  wt.-  back  the  Yankee  against  the  field.  He  is 
fully  educated  up  to  his  long-established  point  of 
honour  :  to  circumvent  ev^erybody,  and  not  tolerate  the 



-J  for 
e  anil 
3e  is 
lit  of 
e  the 



disgrace  of  being  himself  taken  in.  As  a  sample  of  their 
dealings,  it  is  not  too  soon  to  refer  to  the  five  and  a  half 
millions  adjudged  to  Canada  by  the  joint  commission  on 
the  fisheries  question — money  which  the  Canadians  are 
enjoying  in  anticipation  ;  while  the  Yankees  are  rack- 
ing their  brains  for  excuses  for  not  paying  it.  But  the 
Gladstone  ministry  being  no  longer  in  power,  it  may  be 
hazardous  to  refuse  to  pay  the  money  due. 

One  of  the  latest  and  greatest  political  frauds  ever 
perpetrated  in  the  United  States  is  the  late  Presidential 
election.  It  is  peculiar  in  this,  that  it  was  high  treason 
against  their  lord  and  master,  the  sovereign  majority, 
to  whom  they  had  hitherto  been  faithful.  Even  if  it 
CO  .  I  of  the  veriest  mob,  it  was,  until   now,  sure  of 

th«.h  nJ'egiance. 

Two  parties,  the  Republicans  and  the  Democrats,  have 
for  years  divided  the  people  of  the  United  States.  The 
foreigner  should  be  warned  that  these  party  names 
afibrd  no  indication  oi'  their  principles,  if  they  have  anv. 
Nor  do  we  mean  to  imply  that  one  party  is  more  honest 
than  the  other.  But  the  Democrats,  havinnr  been  for 
years  out  of  ofiice,  have  been  long  practising,  as  to 
official  duties  and  public  money,  and  enforced  honesty. 
But  they  were  heai-tily  tired  of  being  robbed,  while 
they  got  no  .share  of  the  plunder. 

Some  years  ago  a  number  of  prominent  people,  in  the 
city  of  New  York,  whose  pockets  were  drained  )jy  city 
taxation,  combined  to  force  an  investigation,  by  process 
of  law,  into  the  monstious  frauds  and  lascalities  prac- 
tised on  the  city  treasury;  and  they  induced  Mr.  Charles 
O'Connor  to  become  their  chief  counsel  and  asrent  in  the 




M      *  ■  •  *.» 

"1  f*.'. 



1    '     • 

..  ^J 

■! .- • 

'  ^'. 

i  '  •" 

<5  •  ■  > 

1-  M. 



matter.  Wc  liave  before  alluded  to  Mr.  O'Connor's 
perseverance  and  partial  success,  and  the  exposure  of 
Boss  Tweed,  as  the  New  York  mob  loved  to  call  him, 
and  that  of  his  colleagues.  Now  Tweed  was  a  Demo- 
crat, who  played  into  the  hands  of  the  Republicans. 

This  partial  success  at  reform  strengthening  the  hands 
of  the  Democratic  party  in  the  State,  they  with  much 
difficulty  procured  the  election  of  Mr.  Tilden  as  governor 
of  New  York,  We  know  nothing  of  Mr.  Tilden  except 
that  he  is  a  great  lawyer,  is  believed  to  be  an  honest 
man,  and  not  much  given  to  politics.  He  was  made 
governor  for  a  special  purpose. 

While  Boss  Tweed  and  his  colleagues  were  plundering 

the  city  treasury  to  the  amount  of  twenty-five  millions 

or  so,  another  ring  were  plundering  the  State  treasury 

to  an  unknown  amount.     The  State  had  spent  apon  the 

crreat  Erie  canal  a   great  many  more  millions  than  the 

canal  will  ever  pay  back  to  it.      Besides  its  first  cost,  it 

has  proved  a  source  of  great  yearly  expenditure.     For, 

being  managed  by  a  Boai'd  of  Cp.nal  Commissioners,  and 

needing    constant   repair,   the    commissioners    and    the 

contractors  for  repairs  laid  their  heads  together,  and,  by 

false  estimates  and  extravagant  payments,  cheated  the 

State  out   of   many  millions,   which,  we  suppose,  they 

fairly    divided  with  each  other.     This  game  had  been 

played  for  many  years,  perhaps  from  the  first  laying  out 

of  the  canal.     At  length  Mr.  Tilden  was  set  to  work  to 

ferret  out  these  rascalities,  and  achieved   much  success. 

It  was  hoped  that  by  making  him  governor  he  would 

be  in  a  position  to  do  his  work    more  thoroughly  still. 

His  zeal   and  ability  were  great  ;  but  we   understand 



tliat  corruption  was  so  firmly  planted  and  s.)  strongly 
propped  by  party  s»i})port,  that  he  was  not  able  to  pei-- 
fect  his  reforms.  Both  he  and  Mr.  O'Connor,  in  pursuit 
oi  justice,  found  some  of  the  mo -it  stubborn  obstacles 
blocking  up  the  road,  in  the  persons  of  some  judges  on 
the  bench,  put  in  ollice  on  party  and  corrupt  considera- 

Now  the  Democratic  party,  having  been  long  out  of 
office,  had  become  great  reformers  and  verv  honest  men. 
Probably  thiy  did  embody  most  of  that  class.  The 
areatest  rogues  had  long  since  gone  over  to  the  partv^  in 
power.  A  Presidential  election  was  couung  on.  Mr. 
Tilden's  success  in  his  late  undertakings  had  made  him 
widely  and  favourably  known  throughout  the  Union  ; 
and  he  seemed  to  be  the  most  available  candi  late  they 
could  take  up.  In  this  they  were  mistaken.  His  repu- 
tation was  based  altogether  on  his  zeal  and  abilitv  in 
ferreting  out  rascalitv  in  office.  But  after  sixteen  years 
of  office  and  power  enjoyed  by  one  party — the  Repub- 
licans— the  government  had  become  more  than  an  Augean 
stable ;  to  clean  it  out  would  have  engendered  a  pestilence. 
So  vast  an  amount  of  evidence  of  peculation,  fraud, 
and  direct  stealing  had  accumulated  in  the  bun-  ais  of 
every  department  of  government,  and  in  every  clerks 
desk,  that  it  would  ruin  thousands  of  the  most  influen- 
tial men  in  the  country  to  luring  thes'  things  to  light. 

The  Republican  politicians  had  been  so  long  in  office, 
that  almost  every  man  had  ij^rown  rich  in  it  •  and  besides 
their  own  money  and  patronage,  they  had  command  of 
all  the  resources  of  the  government,  including  the  army 
and  treasury  ;    and    banding   together  like    a  band  oi 

•;^, » 

r  ■ 



1  ■ 

i. ,. 

(.  '^ 


«,  '  - . 

1       r 

brothers,  or  rather  robbers,  they  resolved  to  use  all 
possible  means  of  defence.  When  the  chairman  of  an 
election  returning  board  in  a  Southern  State  was  in- 
structed as  to  what  was  expected  of  him  in  his  mani- 
pulation of  the  returns  as  to  the  Presidential  election, 
well  might  he  say,  '  There  is  money  in  it  ;  yes,  a  million 
of  money  in  the  job  !' 

The  alarm  and  indignation  of  the  Republicans  was  in- 
tense, but  they  strove  to  conceal  it :  "  What  1  Tilden  in 
the  Presidential  chair,  searching  into  every  official  and 
party  transaction  that  cannot  bear  the  light  !  No  I  we 
will  move  heaven,  earth,  and  hell  to  defeat  him."  And 
they  did,  and  with  success. 

It  were  long  to  tell  the  intrigues  and  corruption  by 
which  this  result  was  brought  about.  And  they  have 
already  been  well  explained  and  exposed,  especially  by 
Judge  Black  of  Pennsylvania,  in  his  article  published  in 
the  North  American  Review. 

When  the  election  had  taken  place,  but  before  the 
result  was  officially  declared,  General  Grant,  the  Presi- 
dent in  office,  emltoldened  the  conspiring  Republicans  to 
persevere  in  and  P'  rfect  their  ][lans,  by  drawing  togeth- 
er troops  and  armed  vessels  at  Washington,  by  repairing 
and  mounting  guns  on  the  old  earthworks  commanding 
the  roads  leading  thither  ;  and  by  forbidding  an  assem- 
bly and  great  procession  at  Washington,  planned  by  the 
Democrats  as  a  manifestation  of  their  joy  at  Tilden's 
supposed  election.  Grant  thus  manifested  his  resolution 
to  see  Mr.  Hayes,  and  no  one  else,  placed  as  his  successor 
in  the  Presidential  chair.  It  would  have  suited  Grant 
as  little  as  any  of  his  party,  to   have  unfriendly  and 

use  all 
.n  of  an 
was  in- 
3  mani- 

was  in- 
ilden  in 
iial  and 
No  !  we 
'      And 

)tion  by 
ey  have 
ially  by 
ished  in 

'ore  the 
icans  to 
by  the 
I  Grant 
lly  and 



prying  successors  investigating  the  transactions  of  their 
predecessors  in  office. 

The  Republican  conspirators  had  made  the  utmost 
eiforts,  in  every  State  where  the  vote  was  much  divided, 
to  suppress  the  true  result,  where  it  told  against  them. 
And  by  inducing  the  returning  boards,  which  investi- 
gated and  registered  the  result  of  the  election,  in  Loui- 
siana and  Florida,  to  suppress  the  true  returns  and 
substitute  false  returns,  they  deprived  Mr.  Til  den  of  a 
majority  of  thirteen  votes  in  the  electoral  college,  and 
gave  Mr.  Hayes  a  majority  of  one ;  and  when  Congress 
appointed  a  commission  of  fifteen  to  decide  on  the 
result  of  the  election,  of  the  five  judges  of  the  Supreme 
Court  placed  on  this  commission,  three  made  themselves 
ready  and  zealous  tools  for  perfecting  the  fraud  ;  to  give 
one  instance — they  promptly  decided  a  point  of  law  one. 
way  when  it  told  in  Mr.  Hayes'  favour,  but  another 
way  when  it  would  have  told  against  him. 

Mr.  Hayes,  a  mere  usurper,  coolly  walked  into  an 
office  to  which  he  was  not  elected  ;  and  Mr.  Tilden,  the 
real  President,  was  left  at  leisure  to  resume  his  practice 
at  the  bar ;  to  return  to  spreading  the  net  of  the  law  to 
catch  shoals  of  small  rogues  ;  but  the  great  rogues  who 
steal  State  and  Federal  governments,  and  their  treasuries, 
easily  broke  through  the  meshes  of  his  net. 

We  hope,  for  the  honour  of  manhood,  that  there  are 
few  countries,  in  which  such  a  transaction  would  not 
have  raised  a  row.  But  the  Yankees,  unless  they  have 
very  long  odds  of  numbers  in  their  favour  do  not  fight. 

The  voters,  who  elected  Mr.  Tilden  President,  being 
only  a  considerable  and  not  a  great  majority,  took  their 




strategetic  (let'eat  like  lainbs.  They  tamely  pocketed 
their  sovereign  right,  to  be  pulled  out  at  some  more 
convenient  season  ;  and  left  laws,  rights,  lil)erties,  and 
the  tattered  remnant  of  the  Constitution  to  take  care  of 
themselves.  They  prudently  argued  that  any  political 
agitation  and  conflict,  just  at  this  time,  would  aggravate 
tlie  financial  crisis  ;  and  there  was  already  more  of 
that  in  the  country  than  they  knew  how  to  deal  with. 
Let  the  world  slide  and  each  man  take  care  of  himself. 

Although  want  of  access  to  documentary  evidence, 
and  an  occasional  hasty  inference  may  have  led  us  into 
some  errors,  we  are  confident  that  this  is  by  no  means 
an  erroneous  exposition  of  the  present  condition  of  the 
United  States. 

It  may  be  veiy  difficult,  but  far  from  impossible  to 
recuperate  the  soil  of  the  great  democratic  republic, 
but  what  can  regenerate  the  people  ? 



ne  inorc! 
ies,  and 
)  care  of 
110 re  of 
al  with, 

I  us  into 
o  means 

II  of  the 

isible  to